Desecuritization in China's Behavior towards Its Transboundary Rivers: the Mekong River,the Brahmaputra River,and the Irtysh and Ili Rivers

Fresh water has no substitute, and its availability has been declining sharply around the globe. In Asia, China's role as a multidirectional and transborder water provider is unmatched. Analysis of China's behavior towards its transboundary rivers is therefore pivotal. By examining three different case studies—the Mekong River in Southeast Asia, the Brahmaputra River in South Asia and the Irtysh and Ili Rivers in Central Asia—this article seeks to lay the theoretical groundwork for understanding China's behavior. It pits previously applied realist rationales against the more recent notion of desecuritization strategies and makes a case for the latter. While desecuritization implies non- or de-escalation, it does not necessarily mean genuine long-term cooperation. The future of Asia's shared waters may thus be a contentious one.     

大西南联合参与澜沧江-湄公河次区域经济合作的探讨

澜沧江-湄公河次区域经济合作是我国全方位、多层次、宽领域对外开放格局的一个重要组成部分,也是我国实施西部大开发的一个重要内容,必将成为21世纪初叶中国与东南亚、南亚国家进行区域合作与交流的国家发展战略.我国西南各省区市联合参与澜沧江-湄公河次区域经济合作有利于西部大开发战略的实施,还有利于推进西南地区开放式发展格局的形成,加速与国际经济接轨.     

China's macroeconomy: Review and perspective

This article attempts to analyze China's economic development since 1980 by examining major macroeconomic issues. The analyses focus on a central issue: will the Chinese economy maintain high growth and low inflation in the period 1998–2010? To answer this question, the article examines GNP growth, unemployment, external balance, inflation, government budget deficit, and structure changes during the period 1980–1997, and provides an outlook on the economy. If the political situation is stable, China will achieve annual economic growth of 6–7% during 1998–2010, because the major factors that contributed to the high growth during the period 1980–1997 will continue to exist. However, it is less likely that the economic growth will continue at two‐digit level, because new and greater challenges have emerged in the economy: there has been excessive capacity in the industrial sector; it is difficult to maintain a high export growth; and the weak financial sector is highly likely to cause financial instability. Moreover, the increasingly large unemployed population will become a serious problem for both economic development and political stability.     

Beyond Power Politics: institution-building and Mainland China's Taiwan policy transition

Facing the ever-growing interdependence across the Taiwan Strait, Mainland China's strategy towards Taiwan is undergoing a profound change, that is, transcending the staunch realpolitik mentality and turning to an institutional arrangement in policy making. Especially since President Hu Jintao took up his position, the Mainland has endeavored to improve cross-Strait relations through the institutionalization of a series of sensitive issues, such as the proposals and signatures of some long-term accords aiming to advocate economic cooperation, promote social exchanges, weaken political opposition and foster mutual trust. By taking the Mainland's national development strategy shift, Taiwan's domestic reality and ‘institution deficit’ in cross-Strait relations into consideration, this paper analyzes the reasons, efforts and features of the Mainland's recent institutional-orientated policy transition.     

中国政治现代化的动力:公民政治参与

中国政治现代化的基本目标是民主政治。民主政治的实现,和公民政治参与息息相关。中国政治现代化的过程离不开公民的政治参与。公民政治参与是中国政治体制改革的动力,是加强执政党能力建设的重要基础,是实现公民各项权利的重要基础。在中国政治现代化的过程中,需要规范公民政治参与,促进国家政治体制改革;推动公民政治参与,促进党的执政能力;保障公民政治参与,实现公民的各项权利。     

Explaining the Change in China's Attitude toward UN Peacekeeping: a norm change perspective

China's attitude towards UNPKOs has experienced two shifts since the 1980s. One is about changing from non-financial-support, non-voting, and non-participation concerning peacekeeping to financial-support, voting, and participation in 1981. The other shift concerns China's gradual change in its attitude toward non-traditional peacekeeping over the 1990s. This paper provides a norm perspective on the issue. Specifically the author argues that China's attitude toward UNPKOs changed as a result of the change in international norm from prioritizing sovereignty to prioritizing human rights, and the diffusion of the norm of human rights into China through a variety of agents such as foreign policy elites and two special groups of PLA officers.     

Weak Power Bargaining with China: Mongolia and North Korea in comparative perspective

This article examines Mongolia's and North Korea's bargaining with the People's Republic of China to provide insight into Northeast Asian regional dynamics and weak state bargaining behavior. The article demonstrates how both Mongolia and North Korea (which it demonstrates are weak states) employ a variety of tactics within the categories of capitulation, neutrality and confrontation when managing their respective relations with China. The article also argues the applica`bility of the two case studies to a better understanding of the diplomatic challenges China faces as it continues its development and to China's relations with the various weak states on its periphery.     

China's Prolonged Stability and Political Future: Same political system,different policies and methods

Contrary to the earlier political upheavals which culminated in the 1989 Prodemocracy Movement, China has achieved an extended stability in the 1990s. This paper argues that the prolonged stability resulted from a set of changes in China's state‐society relations, and much of it was related to the 1989 movement. After the 1989 movement, the CCP veterans selected younger leaders who were both reform-minded and had a Machiavellian sense of politics. This new leadership skillfully managed the economy and contained dissident activities from public attention. Reform and the booming economy also provided many opportunities for intellectuals and students and turned them from the earlier economic 'losers' into the current 'winners'. As market forces penetrated into China more deeply and the state no longer took charge of everything as it used to, the Chinese became less interested in national politics, and political conflicts localized. This paper also argues that although China's state‐society relations underwent great changes, the state still bases its legitimacy on performance and is thus intrinsically unstable. A political reform that aims at changing the basis of state legitimation becomes crucial.     

Uneven Opening of China's Society,Economy, and Politics: pro-growth authoritarian governance and protests in China

This article evaluates China's model of development, especially its main component, i.e. its model of governance. It suggests that China's model of development is marked by an imbalance between fast opening of the economy and the society and sluggish opening of the political system. The Chinese society has become much more open, reflected in the Chinese growing awareness of their legal rights. The Chinese economy has become highly internationalized and open, but much of Chinese politics is closed. China's governance is marked by pro-growth authoritarianism. The Chinese state is effective in opening up the economy, promoting reform, and generating economic growth, but offers weak protection of people's rights and ineffectual mitigation of social grievances. These imbalances help produce social protests. Viable solutions are discussed.     

Introduction: The Basic Law,Governance and Electoral Politics in China's Hong Kong and Macao since 1997

1 July 2007 marks the tenth anniversary of Hong Kong's retrocession to Chinese sovereignty to become a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the PRC. The HKSAR has functioned under the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ framework as enshrined in the Basic Law, its mini-constitution. Upon the resumption of Chinese jurisdiction over Macao on 20 December 1999, a similar ‘One Country, Two Systems’ formula also came into effect for the new MSAR under its Basic Law. The ‘One Country, Two Systems’ formula that guarantees a high degree of autonomy in both Hong Kong and Macao is also a cornerstone of the PRC's strategy toward peaceful reunification with Taiwan. To provide a more balanced and informed understanding of these two Chinese SARs in actualizing the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ model, this special section of four articles adopts a bi-focal approach. On the one hand, it presents in a joint article the views of two leading mainland Chinese legal scholars (Professors Geping Rao and Zhenmin Wang, both National People's Congress Hong Kong Basic Law Committee members) on some vital dimensions of the Basic Law. On the other hand, it offers three articles with a more locally anchored perspective—a comparative analysis (by Professor Sonny Lo) of the contrasting HKSAR and MSAR experiences, and two case studies (by Professors Bruce Kwong and Eilo Yu) that highlight key features of patron–client linkages and informal politics dynamics in HKSAR and MSAR elections and politics.     

技术化与专业化视角下的中国公共危机管理机制创新

我国公共危机管理的症结突出表现为科技化和专业化水平低。原因在于公共危机的多样化、政府能力的制约、思维意识方面的问题、整个社会包括政府、企业与社会组织、人民之间的协作配合机制的缺乏等。鉴于此,转变观念,培养专业化管理队伍,以科技化和专业化为中心实现公共危机管理机制的创新为必行之策。     

Hydropower Development and Resettlement Policy on China's Nu River

Hydropower represents an important alternative form of energy in China, a country that currently uses coal to supply 78% of its electricity. However, evidence from large hydropower projects in China shows that the socio-economic and environmental costs of hydropower development are substantial. Construction on the first of the 13 planned dams on the Nu River began in the summer of 2008, and villages are already beginning to be displaced. Based on fieldwork in the area, we find that the local resettlement policies infringe upon the national regulations governing resettlement caused by major infrastructure development. This infringement includes high prices for resettlement homes, forcing villagers to leave agricultural production, a lack of programs for long-term economic development, and a lack of transparency in decision-making processes.     

On a Digital Track China's Internet sector is thriving with the support of national policies

正Zhang Danyang,a 28-year-old purchasing agent in Shenzhen,usually starts her day by checking the news and browsing her friends’social media posts on her smartphone in bed after she wakes up.She eats breakfast while streaming TV shows in the background,and goes to work by bus which she pays for via a QR code on a payment app.She rarely brings     

中国政治的可持续发展在于实现党与公民社会的良性互动

政治文明建设应从国家与社会的辩证关系出发,以一种合作的视野来认识国家与社会的关系,强调相互促进良性互动。公民社会在推动民主和发展这两大潮流中发挥着重要作用,构建一个健康而有序的公民社会已成为发展社会主义政治文明的必然趋势。党融入公民社会,实现治理与善治,反映了中国共产党在党和社会关系问题上的科学逻辑。     

改革开放40年来我国教育政治学研究的历程、主题与新时代展望

改革开放40年来,我国教育政治学研究大致经历了觉醒期、引介期、探索期、发展期和完善期五大历史阶段。40年来,我国教育政治学研究围绕基础理论、教育与国家、教育与民主、教育与公正、教育与权利、教育与权力和教育与国际关系等主题取得了一定突破,但当前我国教育政治学亦面临着理论不足、视角不全、方法单一和人才短缺等现实问题。坚持中国特色社会主义教育发展道路,迫切需要教育政治学做出全新的理论回应,通过基础理论、体系框架、研究方法和人才培养等方面的强化,为推进新时代中国教育事业发展做出贡献。     

从政治制度与政治文化的协调性看中国的民主政治建设

政治制度的发展不能脱离政治文化的背景.目前,广大发展中国家面临着政治文化落后和政治改革紧迫的两难境地.中国的政治文化中既有民族传统的政治文化,也有马克思主义的政治文化,还有当代西方的政治文化.中国的民主政治建设必须正视自身的政治文化现状,确立正确的政治文化导向,借鉴西方政治文化的经验,使民主政治制度与民主文化相互促进、协调发展.     

An Exploratory Analysis of Impediments to China's Credit Control on the Real Estate Industry: an institutional perspective

To curb price speculations and overheated investment in the real estate market, the mainland Chinese government has determined to tighten bank lending to the market in recent years, by resorting to administrative tools through specific real estate control policy. With hindsight, the market response seems to have invalidated the policy initiatives. This research is aimed at investigating the impediments to achieving the laudable policy objectives of using administrative credit controls. A series of research interviews with property practitioners unraveled prevalent evasive practices and illicit tactics adopted by developers to thwart policy effects. This study leads to a better understanding of the institutional backdrop behind the less-than-expected results of the real estate macro-control measures. To better steer the real estate market, effective monetary control requires both the government and industry to make concerted efforts and consistent headway towards a complete, transparent and responsive ensemble of institutional arrangements.     

从全能政治到有限政治: 国家与社会关系的重大调整

市场经济改革和体制内分权所引发的社会转型,客观上要求调整以全能政治干预为特征的国家与社会关系,即从全能政治向有限政治转变。有限政治的主要特征有:党、国家和社会三者间的相对分离性;社会权力多中心化和政治权力的有限性;政治体系的开放性和政治参与的有序性。     

“军事政治”向“科技政治”的演变及意义

随着科技置换军事并与经济耦合,科技的政治功能日益显现,世界已逐步由“军事政治”进入“科技政治”时代,“科技政治”已成为我们时代重要的政治特征。这告诫我们:必须发展科技以提高国际地位。     

从大众传媒看美国政治与民主--读《富媒体、穷民主:不确定时代的传播政治学》

大众传媒在美国以及其他一些西方国家被誉为是在立法权、行政权和司法权之外的“第四权力”,新闻记者更被冠以“无冕之王”。然而,美国以及西方媒体的实际情况究竟如何?媒体与政治尤其是民主政治文化之间是一种怎样的关系?上百年来媒体发展演变呈现出一种什么样的趋势,以及这种演变对于民主政治和公民权利有什么样的影响?其中有什么样的经验教训值得总结和吸取?这些问题对于国人来说却所知甚少,有关研究更是凤毛麟角。《富媒体、穷民主:不确定时代的传播政治学》(RichMedia,PoorDemocracy:Com-municationPoliticsinDubiousTimes)一书,从…