现阶段城乡劳动者收入差距分析

城乡劳动者收入差距是影响城乡居民收入差距的基本因素,分析城乡收入差距问题,首先要研究城乡劳动者收入差距。改革开放以来,我国城乡劳动者收入差距逐步扩大,这是产业发展不平衡、乡镇企业吸纳劳动力的能力减弱、经济体制改革重心转移、农业生产资料价格较快上涨等诸多因素共同作用的结果。要通过提高农村劳动者的工资性收入和家庭经营收入水平、加快城镇化、提高农村劳动者整体素质等措施,提高农村劳动者的收入水平,缩小城乡劳动者整体上的收入差距,最终实现缩小城乡收入差距的目标。     

城乡教育差别对城乡收入差距的影响——基于山西省的调研数据

城乡收入差距与城乡教育差别之间存在着密切关系,目前这方面的研究已经取得相当进展,但大多数研究成果集中于经验性研究,以现实详尽数据为基础的深入研究不多。基于山西省10个县、市的研究数据,借助于简单计量经济模型对教育差别与收入差距关系的实证研究,结果显示:尽管城乡教育水平与收入水平呈现为正相关关系,但在城市与乡村,教育投资的要素回报率却存在显著差别,城市的教育投资回报率要远远高于农村。这在现实状况和实证研究两方面说明教育与收入正相关关系的同时,验证了城乡教育差别的存在和相对扩大,是城乡收入差距拉大的一个重要因素。为此,政府要发挥教育补偿的主体性作用,完善农村教育供给制度以及教育收费与教育入学体制,缩小城乡教育差别,进而缩小城乡收入差距。     

深圳居民主观幸福感与社会支持关系探析

通过分层随机抽样调查研究表明:深圳居民的主观幸福感较高,积极情感多于消极情感;女性的主观幸福感显著高于男性;外地农村户籍人群主观幸福感显著低于本地城乡和外地城市户口人群,农民工的社会融入问题需要全社会的关注。主观幸福感也受到文化程度的影响,初中文化程度人群主观幸福感程度最低。深圳居民社会支持处于中等水平,主观幸福感各维度与社会支持各维度总体上呈正相关,尤其是来自于家人、朋友的社会支持与主观幸福感关系最为密切。     

贵州大学生主观幸福感的调查研究

研究采用总体主观幸福感量表(GWB)对贵州省大学生主观幸福感进行调查,研究发现:男女大学生主观幸福感总体无显著差异且高于全国常模;城市大学生主观幸福感显著高于农村大学生;文科大学生主观幸福感得分显著高于理科大学生;大一学生主观幸福感得分最高,非常显著地高于其他年级,大四学生得分最低。缓解消极情绪及制定科学合理的人生规划是提升贵州省大学生主观幸福感的主要途径。     

子女性别与老年人主观幸福感

基于2015年"中国综合社会调查"的相关数据,探讨子女性别与老年人主观幸福感的关系。研究发现,有子女以及多子女显著提升了老年人的主观幸福感;相对于没有女儿的老年女性,只有女儿以及有儿有女的老年女性主观幸福感更高;只有女儿的老年女性与有儿有女的老年女性在主观幸福感方面没有显著差异;只有儿子的老年男性与只有女儿的老年男性在主观幸福感方面没有显著差异。研究表明,成年子女对老年人的精神健康具有积极作用。本研究对老龄化时代的生育政策具有一定的启示意义。     

大都市郊区的农户收入结构探析——以上海浦东S镇为例

收入结构是检验农村居民消费水平和生活质量的重要指标。受城市化、工业化、市场化和全球化的影响,大都市郊区的农户收入结构与城镇家庭的收入结构在整体上呈趋同态势,但在收入绝对值上尚有相当差距。开展对大都市郊区农户收入结构的社会学研究,对于加快统筹城乡发展,着力推进新农村建设,缩小城乡差距,构建和谐的城乡关系,具有重要的理论与实践意义。     

山西居民收入差距扩大的表现、原因与对策

改革开放以来,随着经济的快速发展,山西居民收入差距呈现出不断拉大的趋势,主要表现在城乡差距、地区差距和行业差距等方面.究其原因,主要是制度不完善、城乡二元结构、行业垄断、资源产权改革滞后等.为此,应利用资源优势,提高居民整体收入水平;提高农民转移就业能力,增加农民收入;推动中小企业发展,壮大中等收入群体等.     

地方高师院校学生主观幸福感与社会支持关系研究

采用问卷调查法以牡丹江师范学院290名大学生为被试,研究了主观幸福感与社会支持的关系及其在性别、是否是独生子女、专业类型和城乡上的差异状况。结果表明:大学生主观幸福感在男女生性别、是否是独生子女、专业类型和城乡上并没有显著的差异;大学生社会支持在男女生性别、是否是独生子女上存在着显著的差异,而城乡和专业类型在社会支持的各个水平上的差异并不显著;社会支持及其客观支持、主观支持、对支持的利用度三个维度与主观幸福感及其多个维度都呈显著的正相关。     

家庭社会经济地位、社会支持与大学生幸福感

本研究通过对广州市7所高校共756名1-4年级在校大学生的问卷调查,分析比较了不同户籍的大学生在幸福感与家庭社会经济地位上的差异,并通过结构方程模型对大学生家庭社会经济地位、感受性社会支持与幸福感的关系进行了验证与分析。研究发现,城镇户籍大学生的幸福感体验(主要是生活满意度指标)与社会支持显著高于农村户籍大学生,并且家庭社会经济地位差异影响着大学生对幸福的主观体验。家庭社会经济地位不仅直接影响着大学生个体的幸福感,更重要的是通过感受性社会支持间接影响个体幸福感体验。最后,依据研究结果对高校学生工作提出了建议。     

"新医改"让医疗费用下降了吗? ——基于CHARLS对甘肃、浙江的追踪数据

新医改自2009年实施以来,各级政府投入了大量财政资金,医疗保险覆盖面扩大,医疗筹资水平和报销水平显著提高.那么,新医改缓解了"看病贵"问题吗?以CHARLS对甘肃和浙江两省追踪数据为例,从医疗保险角度分析了新医改对医疗费用的影响.研究发现:(1)新医改以来,人群年度医疗费用持续上升,个人自付费用水涨船高,城乡医疗费用差距进一步拉大;(2)现有医疗保险制度难以控制医疗费用的上涨,城镇医疗保险能够显著增加门诊报销费用和总报销费用的额度,但医疗总费用和自付费用不受任何医疗保险的影响.结论:新医改并没有缓解"看病贵"问题,医疗费用仍在提高,加强医保支付方式改革,减少卫生资源的浪费和低效,是下一步医改亟待解决的问题.     

Well-Being in the Welfare State: Level Not Higher, Distribution Not More Equitable

The terms well-being and welfare are Often bracketed together, especially well-being and state welfare. The level of well-being is believed to be higher in welfare states, and its distribution more equitable. This theory is tested here in a comparative study of 41 nations from 1980 to 1990. The size of state welfare is measured by social security expenditures. The well-being of citizens is measured in terms of the degree to which they lead healthy and happy lives. Contrary to expectation, there appears to be no link between the size of the welfare state and the level of well-being within it. In countries with generous social security schemes, people are not healthier or happier than in equally affluent countries where the state is less open-handed. Increases or reductions in social security expenditure are not related to a rise or fall in the level of health and happiness either. There also appears to be no connection between the size of state welfare and equality in well-being among citizens of the state. In countries where social security expenditure is high, the dispersion of health and happiness is not smaller than in equally prosperous countries with less social insurance spending. Again, increases and reductions in social security expenditure are not linked with equality in health and happiness among citizens. This counterintuitive result raises five questions: (1) Is this really true? (2) If so, what could explain this lack of effect? (3) Why is it so difficult to believe this result? (4) How should this information affect social policy? (5) What can we learn from further research?     

Government spending and happiness of the population: additional evidence from large cross-country samples

This study uses large cross-country samples and several measures of happiness, income, and government spending to revisit the relation between government spending and the population’s happiness. The main finding is that increased government spending does not lower happiness in broad cross-country contexts. Much caution is, therefore, urged in interpreting the negative association between government spending and happiness reported in some earlier studies and the suggested policy implications. Three additional points are noted. First, the weight of the evidence suggests a significant positive association between income and happiness. Second, estimates based on income and government-share data from Penn World Table and the new International Comparison Program show similar patterns. Third, the parameter for generalized trust seems fragile.     

Distance,services, and citizen perceptions of the state in rural Africa

In most poor countries, basic services in rural areas are less accessible and of lower quality than those in urban settings. In this article, we investigate the subnational geography of service delivery and its relationship with citizens' perceptions of their government by analyzing the relationship between service access, satisfaction with services and government, and the distance to urban centers for more than 21,000 survey respondents across 17 African countries. We confirm that access to services and service satisfaction suffer from a spatial gradient. However, distant citizens are less likely than their urban peers to translate service dissatisfaction into discontent with their government; distant citizens have more trust in government and more positive evaluations of both local and national officials. Our findings suggest that increasing responsiveness and accountability to citizens as a means of improving remote rural services may face more limits than promoters of democratic governance and citizen‐centered accountability presume.     

Trends in the economic status of the elderly, 1976-2000

The economic well-being of elderly Americans (aged 65 or older) improved between 1976 and 2000. Overall, poverty rates fell during this period, median real income rose, and median income relative to the working-age population was relatively stable. Most population subgroups shared in the reduced poverty rates; however, the economic status of elderly Hispanics did not improve. This article attempts to explain those economic trends by identifying changes in five sources of income for the elderly and analyzing the changes in the context of demographic changes in the elderly populations over the past 25 years. As a result of increased longevity, for example, larger proportions of elderly men and women are now 80 or older, and smaller proportions are 65 to 69. Hispanics and Asian Americans make up a larger share of the elderly population and whites a smaller share. The fraction of women who are married has increased, the fraction who are widowed has fallen, and the fraction who are divorced has grown. Such demographic changes can greatly affect the economic status of subgroups as well as the overall elderly population. Of the five sources of income for the elderly, Social Security remains the most prevalent and important. While both the rate of receipt and the share of aggregate income from Social Security benefits stayed relatively steady over the past 25 years, the average real Social Security benefit increased because of rising wages. Income from assets, the second most important source of income for the elderly, fluctuated. Because the elderly are more likely to hold interest-bearing assets such as bonds rather than stocks, their asset income is responsive to changes in nominal interest rates and bond yields. Receipt of pension income increased during this period, although it leveled off during the 1990s. Factors contributing to this pattern include enactment of the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974, which increased protections of pension benefits for spouses, and improved labor market opportunities for blacks and women. In recent years, defined contribution pension plans have become more prevalent than defined benefit plans, but the full effect of this change on pension income may not yet be apparent. After decades of decline, labor force participation rates of older men leveled out in the mid-1980s and then increased. For older women, the trend before the mid-1980s was flat, but since then rates have risen substantially. The increased use of part-time jobs or self-employment to ease the transition into retirement, the economic expansion of the 1990s, and the liberalization of the Social Security earnings test may all have contributed to those trends. Although the percentage of elderly people with earnings has increased only modestly in the past few years, the share of income from earnings has grown substantially--from 16 percent of income in 1984 to 23 percent in 2000. Finally, Supplemental Security Income (SSI) benefits are indexed for inflation but not for growth in real wages. As real incomes of the elderly rose, therefore, fewer elderly persons were eligible to receive SSI or, for those receiving SSI, were eligible for smaller benefits. The proportion of elderly persons receiving public assistance, primarily SSI, declined from 11 percent in 1976 to 5 percent in 2000.     

Does Satisfaction with Democracy Really Increase Happiness? Direct Democracy and Individual Satisfaction in Switzerland

This paper takes the influential ??direct democracy makes people happy??-research as a starting point and asks whether direct democracy impacts individual satisfaction. Unlike former studies we distinguish two aspects of individual satisfaction, namely satisfaction with life (??happiness??) and with how democracy works. Based on multilevel analysis of the 26 Swiss cantons we show that the theoretical assumption on which the happiness hypothesis is based has to be questioned, as there is very little evidence for a robust relationship between satisfaction with democracy and life satisfaction. Furthermore, we do not find a substantive positive effect of direct democracy on happiness. However, with respect to satisfaction with democracy, our analysis shows some evidence for a procedural effect of direct democracy, i.e. positive effects related to using direct democratic rights, rather than these rights per se.     

空间视域下流动老人生活质量及其影响因素研究——基于成都市的调查

伴随城镇化和老龄化,空间转换过程中流动到大城市的老人在居住环境、经济状况、社会交往、社会参与等方面出现空间排异。年龄、同住人数、居住年限、是否农业户口等人口特征变量以及人均住房面积、个人月收入状况、自评健康状况、自评社会经济地位、社区满意度、邻里交往频率、社区参与情况等因素均显著影响流动老人的生活质量。基于此,建议政府广泛利用多种就业形式促进流动老人的人力资源开发,加快完善统一的社会保障体系提升老人异地养老保障水平,重视城市社区公共文化空间建设,组织开展多样化的社区活动,合理规划城市社区基本公共服务设施,保障并提高流动老人的生活质量。     

基于社会性别的劳动力迁移与农村留守老人的生活福利——基于劳动力流入地和流出地的调查

大规模的劳动力外迁不仅加速了农村地区的老龄化,也给农村传统的家庭养老带来了深远的影响。利用西安交通大学人口与发展研究所在安徽省巢湖农村地区进行的"安徽省老年人生活福利状况"的四期追踪调查数据和在广东省深圳市进行的"外来农村流动人口"抽样调查数据,同时面向农村人口流入地和流出地,基于社会性别视角,研究农村劳动力外迁对农村留守老人生活福利的影响。研究表明,目前的农村家庭养老表现出传统和变革共存的特征;子女外迁给农村老年父母的生活福利带来双面影响,使得老年人获得的经济支持增加的同时,也造成了对老年人的生活照料和情感支持的减少,加重了老年人照料孙子女的负担,影响了老年人的健康福利;子女在城市外出务工带来了传统孝文化的弱化,但女儿的养老功能得以增强,长期低生育率条件下发生的大规模农村人口流动使得传统依靠儿子养老的家庭养老模式开始发生转变。本文最后探讨了在劳动力外流背景下政府提高农村留守老人生活福利的政策建议。     

Distribution of income in advanced capitalist states: political parties, labour unions, and the international economy

Abstract. Hypotheses about determinants of income inequality in advanced capitalist societies are tested with data from the World Bank for 1975–80 across virtually the complete population. The results support most of the propositions of a model that takes into account differences in partisan control of government, the organization strength of labour, and the openness of the economy to international market forces. Hypotheses derived from global models of income distribution are not supported. The major findings are (1) that labour organization has no direct effect on income inequality; (2) that strong socialist parties have a negative effect on the size of the gap between the rich and the poor but no effect on the gap between the rich and the middle class; (3) that the governmental strength of conservative parties is unrelated to the size of the gap between the rich and the poor but has a very strong positive effect on the gap between the rich and the middle class; and (4) that, regardless of partisan control of government, relatively small trade dependent economies are more egalitarian than relatively large economies which are less dependent on international trade.