中国共产党与当代中国社会之变迁

中国共产党是当代中国社会的执政党。这一地位使其对当代中国社会变迁产生了巨大的影响。中国共产党通过三种途径影响着中国社会的变迁 ,即 :坚持马克思主义、坚持社会主义方向 ;制定路线、方针政策 ;领导全国人民实施这些路线方针政策。在中国共产党的领导和影响下 ,中国社会的社会制度、经济体制、生产力状况、教育、科技、文化、生活方式、阶级阶层和社会心理都发生了巨大的变化。     

新生代农民工价值观的变迁及对策探析——从结构化理论视角看

在传统的农业文明向现代工业文明的转型时期,新生代农民工的价值观表现出自我意识觉醒、物化意识增强、多元等特征。从结构化理论视角来看,新生代农民工的价值观变迁是一个主体选择与结构整合的二重化过程。以二重性理论视角,描述新生代农民工价值观变迁现状,并从主客体两个方面分析影响新生代农民工价值观变迁的原因,对解决农民工问题具有积极的促进作用,对社会和谐发展具有重要意义。     

城市化进程中村落变迁的条件和作用机理

我国城市化进程不可避免地毁坏了农村传统村落的原生态,引起一系列社会变迁,导致农村社会的重大失衡。村落共同体在城市化进程中的生存、适应、演变、转型等问题是中国经济社会发展中不可回避的重大问题。村落变迁是一个长期的自然历史过程,按照其内在逻辑以隐性的方式缓慢地延续着。村落变迁自有一定的背景和条件,这就需要从自然环境、政治经济、人文社会等不同层面来考察。研究村落变迁的发生因素和作用机理,把握村落变迁的形态和村落终结的过程,将有助于当前新型城镇化建设的推进。     

现代农村家庭关系变迁研究——以余丁坝村为例

社会的转型给农村传统家庭关系带来前所未有的影响。本文以余丁坝村为个案，将农村现代家庭关系的变迁纳入社会变迁的视野来考察。通过分析认为，农村传统家庭关系中，父权夫权制逐步瓦解，家庭关系从主从型逐步过渡为平权型。     

社会多元化对传统宪政模式的冲击

社会结构的变迁体现的是作为主体的人在社会中存在状态的变化。从社会多元化趋势的视角出发,考察在社会主体结构由一元化向多元化变迁的过程中宪政所蕴含的权力制约、民主法治和人权保障等基本理念的体现,以及这一变迁过程对传统的宪政模式的影响,将拓宽我们研究宪政发展进程的视野,进而为我们理解这一变迁的意义提供新思路。     

群体污名意识的建构过程——农民工子女“被歧视感”的质性研究

农民工子女是当前中国社会变迁背景下的新生群体,城市的生活使他们建构起对自我群体的意识和群体认同。本研究将从群体过程或发展的角度出发,基于社会认同理论,分析农民工子女被歧视感这一群体污名意识形成和建构的过程。     

纳西化賩的形式变迁:结构性到非结构性的转变

"化賩(cong)"是曾经流行于纳西族社会里的传统互助组织,近年来呈现出一种复兴的态势。但是,今天的化賩随着社会背景的改变而相对于传统化賩发生了很多变迁。变迁的总体特征,即组织外部要素的变迁是相对稳定中有细节的变化,而内部要素变迁则是一种结构性与非结构性的整合。对于这些变迁,可以采用社会学的视角进行审视和讨论。     

社会转型时期我国家庭代际关系的变迁研究

改革开放以来,我国的经济社会结构发生了深刻变化,社会进入转型时期,社会变迁引起了社会生活各方面的变化,我国传统家庭代际关系也受到了较大的冲击。社会转型时期我国家庭代际关系的变迁所产生的社会问题,如"家庭养老、老年人责任重大、代际伦理道德丧失"等,对社会产生了怎么样的影响,新时期的家庭代际关系将怎样发展,将在下文予以讨论。     

农民工在村落变迁中的作用——基于南北两个村落的调研

在农民工流动发展到整个社会经济文化都发生了巨大变化的今天,其对传统村落的影响作用在不同地区表现出不同的程度。通过对南北两个村落的实地考察,得出李村农民工是推动村落变迁的重要力量;而石门村农民工的作用,在强大的村落文化场域的影响下和村民自身还没有发生"小农"蜕变的情况下,远比李村缓慢和艰难的结论。或者说,这种影响仅局限在经济领域,而在村落政治、文化、社会关系网络等方面并没有发生实质性的变化。     

社会转型时期政治权力变迁规律初探

政治权力变迁是社会转型时期的一个重要表征.当前政治权力变迁的主要特征是社会价值系统对政治价值系统的不断渗透态势,公民政治参与意识的扩张以及社会转型所带来的部分社会成员对党的执政地位的认同感有所降低.这就造成了一定程度上的对政治权力的挑战,带来了以执政党为核心的政治共同体和社会共同体之间的博弈,导致了政治权力的变迁.为了有效地调控政治权力的变迁,就必须有一种机制把新生的阶层、团体等各种社会力量组织起来,使之与现存的政治秩序达到高度的整合状态.为此,要在巩固执政党权力的基础上,以制度、法规来规范控制权力的流动.同时对权力结构进行科学调整以开发政治权力资源,满足政治现代化对权力扩张的需求.并对党的意识形态进行有的放矢地调整与完善,以增强对群众的吸引力,夯实执政党的理论基础.     

农民工城市融合概念及对城市感知关系的影响——基于上海农民工的调查研究

数以亿计的农民工和谐融入城市是当前以及未来中国社会发展中的重大问题。为了研究文化融合、经济融合、政治融合和社会融合等诸方面的因素是如何影响农民工对城市的感知关系水平的,基于2010年在沪农民工的问卷调查数据,考察了农民工城市融合诸因素对城市感知关系(生活满意度、认同度、未来发展意愿)的影响。发现:文化融合程度越高,农民工对上海的认同程度就越高,也会更愿意留在上海发展,但其生活满意度未必越高;经济融合程度越高,城市生活满意度、城市认同度和未来留在上海发展的意愿都越高;政治融合只对未来发展意愿有影响;社会融合越高,农民工对城市的认同度越高,对生活也越满意。研究为政府引导和促进农民工和谐融入城市提供了新的视角。     

Making claims for migrant workers: human rights and citizenship

Migrant workers claims for greater protection in a globalized world are typically expressed either in the idiom of international human rights or citizenship. Instead of contrasting these two normative frames, the paper explores the extent to which human rights and citizenship discourses intersect when it comes to claims by migrant workers. An analysis of the international human and labour rights instruments that are specifically designed for migrant workers reveals how neither discourse questions the assumption of territorial state sovereignty. Drawing upon sociological and political approaches to human rights claims, I evaluate the Arendtian-inspired critique of international human rights, which is that they ignore the very basis ‘right to have rights’. In doing so, I discuss the different dimensions of citizenship and conclude that international rights can be used by migrant workers to assert right claims that reinforce a conception of citizenship that, although different from national citizenship, has the potential to address their distinctive social location.     

学校类型对农民工子女价值观与行为模式的影响——基于上海的实证研究

农民工子弟学校和公办学校是农民工子女在城市接受义务教育的两种主要渠道。本文在政治社会化的理论框架下,讨论学校类型对于农民工子女价值观和行为模式的影响。实证研究发现:(1)公办学校的农民工子女更接近主流价值观,农民工子弟学校的学生与主流价值观表现出一定的疏离;(2)就读于公办学校的农民工子女更为强烈地感受到城市主流社会的歧视;(3)公办学校的农民工子女对于个人前景的预期低于农民工子弟学校的学生,具有更强的挫败感。可见,单纯的教育吸纳对于促进农民工子女社会融合的作用极其有限。     

From Being a Problem to Having Problems: Discourse,Governmentality and Chinese Migrant Workers

This article analyzes the political effects of the new discourse on Chinese migrant workers that emerged in the 2000s, and how this discourse is contested by an alternative discourse. The article demonstrates how the new discourse has facilitated socialist-liberal governance by transforming migrant workers into self-governing individuals. Moreover, the article argues that socialist-liberal governmentality is based on a post-political understanding that promotes a society without structural differences and reformulates social problems as individual deficiencies. Based on a discourse analysis of Chinese newspaper coverage, the article analyzes how this post-political myth is contested by an alternative understanding of society that repoliticizes migrant workers and their problems. In conclusion, the analysis points to how media discourses can contest governmental projects.     

中国社会转型下的心理福利与社会支持

中国以经济体制改革为先导的社会转型,对社会生活的各方面都产生深刻影响。医疗服务私有化与价格上涨、社会快速流动与分化,可能严重影响民众心理福利。但鲜有研究考察社会转型的心理福利后果及社会支持的调节作用。本文利用2005年中国综合社会调查数据(CGSS2005),检验了医疗支出负担、社会地位及其比较、社会支持同城乡居民心理福利的关系,并在中国性别结构失衡问题日渐暴露的背景下,关注了婚姻作为重要的社会支持机制在其中的角色。结果表明,相对剥夺感对心理福利存在普遍影响,市场化转型更可能损害社会弱势群体的心理福利。在中国转型社会,社会支持对心理福利存在保护功能,且可以缓冲医疗支出负担加大和相对被剥夺地位对农村居民心理福利的负面影响;婚姻的功能角色呈现多元化,既加大了医疗支出负担的负面影响,也强化了其他社会支持的保护作用。研究发现对理解和改善社会转型的心理福利后果,提供了重要的指引和借鉴。     

Using the Law as a ‘Harmonious Weapon’: The Ambiguities of Legal Activism in Favour of Migrant Workers in China

Abstract

Legal mobilization has spread in China over the past 20 years and is generally considered by both activists and scholars as a way to advance democracy and rule of law. Focusing on the mobilization in favour of migrant workers and on politically moderate practices, which are both more frequent and widely held as more successful, I argue to the contrary that resistance and reproduction of political domination are mutually constitutive. Public interest litigation and administrative litigation appear as new forms of political participation that constitute an internal regulation to the authoritarian regime, thus contributing to explain the regime's capacity to adapt and its durability. This article also accounts for new strategies developed by some lawyers that shun the courts and use law to ‘empower civil society’ and that thus do not contribute to structural reproduction. Though activists are struggling to turn their strategies into more institutionalized practices, they remain an ad hoc mechanism of internal control.     

Demonising ‘the other’: British Government complicity in the exploitation,social exclusion and vilification of new migrant workers

This article demonstrates the close and complex connection between the demonisation, exploitation and exclusion of new migrant workers. In so doing, it testifies to the blurred boundaries between the categories of severe labour exploitation, forced labour and slavery. This study highlights the absence of citizenship rights as crucial to understanding the vulnerability to demonisation, exploitation and exclusion that characterises the embodied experience of such workers. It also highlights the key role of citizenship as a means for such workers to make rights claims. In the UK, new migrant workers, particularly those arriving from Eastern Europe since 2004, have been increasingly designated by government and media as interlopers in a tight labour marketplace. Whilst their collective economic contribution is sometimes welcomed, they are regarded as ‘external’ to UK society and citizenship, a potential threat to indigenous values and culture, and in competition with British workers. Rarely are migrants afforded the space in public and private spheres to express their individual needs, wants, cares or perspectives. UK migrants have variously been portrayed by the tabloid media and irresponsible politicians as rapacious opportunists, as benefit scroungers, criminals and potential terrorists. The predominant discourse around new migrant workers in the UK is that they are not citizens, but temporary residents who are expected to work industriously and to remain otherwise unseen and unheard until they return to their country of origin. No further contribution to social and political life is required or expected. It is within such an unsupportive environment that new migrant workers in general, and undocumented migrants in particular, have become highly susceptible to employer and gangmaster abuse and exploitation.     

农民工媒介形象嬗变:从“边缘人”到“新市民”

运用再现理论对《人民日报》、《新民晚报》、《羊城晚报》的历史研究发现,媒体建构的农民工群体正在蜕去早期的形象,经历着从都市"边缘人"到成长中的"新市民"的时代嬗变。这对于正确认识真实的农民工群体,正确认识城市化过程中的客观表象及背后的社会心理变迁,揭示大众传媒助推农民工融入城市的作用具有重要意义。     

Rights in Action: The Impact of Chinese Migrant Workers’ Resistances on Citizenship Rights

There have been some debates on Chinese migrant workers’ resistances and their rising rights consciousness in the academia. This paper aims to understand the debates and their problems. This paper investigates the extent to which the forms of Chinese migrant workers’ resistance have diverse impact on their citizenship rights. The conception of citizenship rights can be analytically understood in the individual/collective form and with the passive/active nature; such a dichotomy is also applicable for that of resistance according to the action theory. Both conceptualizations and their linkages constitute an analytical framework in this paper. Within it, the various cases of migrant workers’ resistances and their connections with attainment of rights are discussed comparatively. A main finding in this paper is that the individual resistance, whether passive or active, is almost independent of rights; individuals with the PC model only wait passively for the government’s help; and the AC model (e.g. strike) is much more prospective for the attainment of collective rights, which creates a new power to balance those of state and capital in China.     

我国大学生与农民工就业质量分析——以国际分工地位的影响为视角

本文分析了我国在国际分工中的地位对大学生和农民工两大群体就业质量的影响。产业链中产品设计、仓储运输、原料采购、订单处理、批发经营、终端零售等六大软环节的发育不足导致大学生就业难、就业质量不高;加工制造的分工环节给农民工提供了大量岗位,但成本上涨压力和国内国外的激烈竞争降低了农民工的就业质量。