58位业主怒讨500万租金——广州上下九"名汇商城"返租商铺业主维权一幕

用高价格以捆绑承诺返租的方式促销商铺,是一种变相融资快速取得资金的方法。小业主在购买时得到开发商的承诺:在三到五年内,业主所购买的商铺由开发商向业主支付租金, 由开发商统一经营管理。因此,高价卖铺实现促销后,开发商是否兑现承诺, 便成了检验开发商是否诚信的一个标准。     

11名"公检法"串通渎职

一起本该严惩罪犯的轮奸大案,罪犯的父亲极力打点四处疏通,在金钱和人情的夹击下,竟由人大主任出面斡旋,副检察长、法院副院长、起诉科长、到普通法官、检察官、公安民警等11名手握重权者联合"运作":受害人"变成"卖淫女,轮奸变成强奸,罪行越来越轻,最后竟判缓刑导致罪犯逃窜!难道苍天真的能蒙上"眼睛"?这起案子最终如何收场? ……     

打蚊子的高射炮

日前,25岁的刘欣与男友在科园四路路口等车,两辆主体为白色的装甲车悄然从她身边驰过."好酷!"刘欣挽住男友的胳膊,喊出声来.4月4日,重庆市警用装甲巡逻车正式上街亮相,两辆装甲巡逻车共装载了24名飞虎队员.这些飞虎队员都配有特警的标准装备--微型冲锋枪、狙击步枪、大号警棍、防弹背心等.(《重庆晨报》4月5日)……     

走进岚皋"巴文化"

岚皋县位于陕西省南沿、大巴山北坡.系北方地域,南方水系.县城东35公里毗邻平利县八仙镇,南41.5公里交界重庆市城口县,西63公里接壤紫阳县洄水镇,北45公里相连汉滨区双龙镇.县城距西安市区260公里(公路),距安康市区70里.县内辖12个镇,125个行政村1 1个社区,总人口17.6万人,总面积1956平方公里,海拔高差2210米,森林覆盖率达70％,岚皋县城居岚河之滨,山中雾气谓之"岚",水边高地谓之"皋",故名"岚皋".岚皋因山水而得名.     

副校长举报校长背后

合工大宣城校区新生减招三分之一,招生专业减半引发争议. 近日,一封副校长实名举报校长的公开信,将合肥工业大学推入舆论漩涡. 漩涡中的两人,一位是举报者,合工大党委副书记、副校长朱大勇;另一位是被举报者,合工大校长梁樑. 这封《关于梁樑同志弄虚作假申报获得“全国教育改革创新杰出校长奖”的校内公开举报》,核心内容是朱大勇对梁樑申报相关奖项弄虚造假,用他人成果进行报奖的举报.尽管这一举报材料很快被合工大校方发出的情况通报认定不实,但舆论并未平息.     

“口碑教授”折射高校职称评聘机制弊端

法者，天下之仪也。所以决疑而明是非也，百姓所县命也。（注释：按照法来办事，天下就有秩序，法是天下的准则，是用来解决疑难、辨明是非的，百姓的命运系于法。）     

亲历美国小额诉讼

1 在美国起诉违约承包人 决定起诉违约人 2011年6月,我们与一名木匠(工程承包人)签订了一份重新翻修我家前门外露天平台的合同.合同中明确规定了材料的名称、价格和劳工的费用以及完工的时间(2011年8月14日).但是,承包人从开工伊始,就把工期一拖再拖,到11月时,该工程才完成了一半. 眼看冬季就要来临,我们打电话催促承包人尽快履行合同.谁知,在11月14日的电话中,承包人嫌我们催得太急,宣布不打算回来完成工程了.无奈之下,我们用正式信件通知承包人,如不立即回来完成工程,我们将重新雇人完成剩下的工程,因此增加的费用将由他来赔偿.     

黄海勇:新中国最复杂引渡案嫌犯

2016年7月17日凌晨,身着淡黄色短袖、米白色休闲裤的黄海勇被武汉海关缉私警察押解着从停靠在北京首都国际机场的一架飞机上走下来.此时,距离他离开中国已经过去了18年.在这18年里,黄海勇先后逃往美国和秘鲁,并穷尽美洲所有法律以达到摆脱中国法律制裁的企图.但秘鲁国家宪法法院于2016年5月23日公布的裁决结果击碎了他最后的幻想.此次引渡被中国外交部称为“新中国成立以来最复杂的引渡案”,创下中国引渡史上诸多第一:《中秘引渡条约》签署以来首例成功引渡案例,美洲人权法院审理的首例涉及中国且中国胜诉引渡案,首例中国在国际人权法院出庭的案件.     

丈夫婚前房产易名给妻子引纠纷

丈夫的婚前房产变更登记落到妻子名下.之后,妻子打算卖掉房子,丈夫不同意,将她起诉至法院,主张一半的房屋产权. 201 6年2月25日,上海市第二中级人民法院终审判决认为,婚姻存续期间,夫妻一方请求分割共同财产的,不予支持. 妻子:以生孩子要挟丈夫将房产易名 王建平善于投资置业.婚前,他在上海等地购买了多处房产.2003年8月,他与何新华在深圳登记结婚.婚后,王建平没有将自己所拥有的婚前资产告诉妻子. 2009年的一天,王建平出差在外.何新华在整理丈夫个人保管物品时发现了丈夫的秘密.为此,何新华十分生气.她心想,为了支持丈夫事业发展,她辞去了待遇优厚的工作,不曾想到,丈夫竟然对自己留了一手.     

你所使用的兔子视频,侵权了

知识产权故事:小刘的“第一案” 从法学院一毕业,小刘就来到一家律师事务所跟着王律师办案.他职业生涯中的第一起案子很快就来了. 有一天,小刘接到一位客户打来的电话:“我们发现有个机顶盒可能侵权……”这位客户就是快乐阳光公司,其认为自己创办的娱乐节目《快乐大本营》被侵权了.这是小刘十分熟悉的一档节目,每周六晚上的黄金时段在湖南卫视播出.     

Bhartṛhari and Maṇḍana on Avidyā

The concept of avidyā is one of the central categories in the Advaita of Śaṇkara and Maṇḍana. Shifting the focus from māyā, interpreted either as illusion or as the divine power, this concept brings ignorance to the forefront in describing duality and bondage. Although all Advaitins accept avidyā as a category, its scope and nature is interpreted in multiple ways. Key elements in Maṇḍana’s philosophy include the plurality of avidyā, individual selves as its substrate and the Brahman as its field (viṣaya), and the distinction in avidyā between non-apprehension and misapprehension. A closer investigation shows that Maṇḍana is directly influenced by Bhartṛhari’s linguistic non-dualism in developing the concept of avidyā. This study also compares other key constituents such as vivartta and pariṇāma that are relevant to the analysis of avidyā. As the concept of counter-image (pratibimba) emerges as a distinct stream of Advaita subsequent to Maṇḍana, this study also compares the application of pratibimba in the writings of Bhartṛhari and Maṇḍana.     

Immigration,intermarriage and the changing face of Europe in the post war period

In this article we compare the propensity to intermarry of various migrant groups and their children who settled in Germany, France, England, Belgium and the Netherlands in the post-war period, using a wide range of available statistical data. We try to explain different intermarriage patterns within the framework of Alba and Nee's assimilation theory and pay special attention to the role of religion, colour and colonial background. We therefore compare colonial with non colonial migrants and within these categories between groups with ‘European’ (Christian) and non-European (Islam, Hinduism) religions. First of all, religion appears to be an important variable. Migrants whose faith has no tradition in Western Europe intermarry at a much lower rate than those whose religious backgrounds correspond with those that are common in the country of settlement. The rate of ethnic endogamous marriages in Western Europe are highest in Hindu and Muslim communities, often regardless if they came as guest workers or colonial migrants. Whereas differences in religion diminish the propensity to intermarry, colour or ‘racial’ differences on the other hand seem to be less important. This is largely explained by the pre-migration socialisation. Furthermore, the paper argues that the attention to institutions, as rightly advocated by Richard Alba and Victor Nee, needs a more refined and layered elaboration. Institutions, often as barriers to intermarriage, do not only emanate from the receiving society, but also—be it less formalized—within migrant communities. Especially religions and family systems, but also organized nationalist feelings, can have a profound influence on how migrants think about endogamy. Finally, strong pressures to assimilate, often through institutionalized forms of discrimination and stigmatization, not only produce isolation and frustrate assimilation (with resulting low intermarriage rates), but can also stimulate assimilation by 'passing' mechanisms. These factors, together with a more comparative perspective, are not completely ignored in the new assimilation theory, but—as this study of Western European intermarriage patterns stresses—deserve to be included more systematically in historical and social scientist analyses.     

Unraveling the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Kāvyaprakāśa</Emphasis>: Jayadeva Pīyūṣavarṣa’s idiosyncratic sequence of topics in the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Candrāloka</Emphasis>

In his twelfth century alaṃkāraśāstra, the Candrāloka, Jayadeva Pīyūṣavarṣa reverses the sequence of topics found in Mammaṭa’s Kāvyapr-akāśa, an earlier and immensely popular work. With such a structural revisionism, Jayadeva asserts the autonomy of his own work and puts forth an ambitious critique of earlier approaches to literary analysis. Jayadeva investigates the technical and aesthetic components of poetry in the first part of the Candrāloka, prior to his formal semantic investigations in the latter half of the text, thus suggesting that aesthetic evaluations of poetry beneficially inform scientific investigations of language. Jayadeva’s organization of his chapters on the semantic operations, moreover, intimates that the study of suggestive and metaphoric functions of language clarifies our understanding of denotation, which is conventionally understood to be the primary and direct path of verbal designation.     

Illumination,Imagination, Creativity: Rājaśekhara,Kuntaka, and Jagannātha on <Emphasis Type="Italic">Pratibhā</Emphasis>

Sanskrit poeticians make the visionary faculty of pratibhā a necessary part of the professional poet’s make-up. The term has a pre-history in Bhartṛhari’s linguistic metaphysics, where it is used to explain the unitary perception of meaning. This essay examines the relation between pratibhā and possible theories of the imagination, with a focus on three unusual theoreticians—Rājaśekhara, Kuntaka, and Jagannātha Paṇḍita. Rājaśekhara offers an analysis of pratibhā that is heavily interactive, requiring the discerning presence of the bhāvaka listener or critic; he also positions pratibhā in relation to Bildung (vyutpatti) and practice. For Kuntaka, pratibhā, never an ex nihilo creation by a poet, serves as the basis for the peculiar forms of intensified insight and experience that constitute poetry; these may also involve the creative scrambling and re-articulation of the object in terms of its systemic composition. At times, Kuntaka’s pratibhā comes close to a strong notion of imaginative process. But the full-fledged thematization of the imagination, and of pratibhā as its support and mechanism, is best seen in the seventeenth-century debates preserved for us by Jagannātha. A link is suggested between the discourse of poetic imagination in Jagannātha and similar themes that turn up in Indo-Persian poets such as Bedil.     

Preventing Homelessness for System‐Involved Youth

Too many youth and young adults find themselves on the streets, couch‐surfing with friends, in emergency shelters or worse, after exiting the child welfare and juvenile justice systems. In some circumstances, youth have had court hearings until their exit from the legal system, but those hearings have not focused on long‐range plans of youth and emergencies youth may encounter. In other circumstances, there has been little or no planning prior to discharge, especially for young people who leave the juvenile justice system. Courts can and should prevent, alleviate or end youth homelessness for youth who appear before them through strategies that are enumerated in the recently‐passed NCJFCJ resolution. This article expounds on three of these strategies – coordinating transition and re‐entry plans, insisting on effective legal representation of youth, and utilizing sound judicial leadership. It also describes the concurrent efforts of the Coalition for Juvenile Justice and the American Bar Association's Homeless Youth Legal Network to remove legal barriers and improve outcomes for youth and young adults experiencing homelessness.     

Best practices for structuring a family court parenting plan evaluation under the 2022 AFCC Guidelines

Evaluation appointment orders provide enforceable scaffolding for conduct of family court parenting plan evaluations, and use of the evaluator's reports, feedback, file, and testimony. Unlike a contract, a stipulated or adjudicated appointment order is directly enforceable by the family court. It unambiguously positions the evaluator as the family court's appointee – answerable directly to the court and, in some jurisdictions, protected by quasi-judicial immunity from damages claims. A well-crafted appointment order governs the roles and expectations of the court, the evaluator, the parties, the lawyers, and the collateral witnesses. An appointment order mandates the legal duties, rights, powers, and responsibilities of the professionals, the parties, and the collateral witnesses. At minimum, an appointment order articulates the legal basis for the appointment, the purpose and scope of the evaluation, compensation of evaluator, and the duty of the parties to participate in the process. A written evaluation protocol or procedures statement discloses in advance the methods of investigation and assessment that the evaluator intends to use. Together, the appointment order and written protocol help the evaluator, lawyers, parents, and judge manage the complexity of the evaluation process.     

The Supreme Array Scripture: A New Interpretation of the Title “Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra”

This article argues for a new interpretation of the Sanskrit compound gaṇḍa-vyūha as it is used in the common title of the Mahāyāna text the Gaṇḍavyūha-Sūtra.The author begins by providing a brief history of the sūtra’s appellations in Chinese and Tibetan sources. Next, the meanings of gaṇḍa (the problematic member of the compound) are explored. The author proposes that contemporary scholars have overlooked a meaning of gaṇḍa occurring in some compounds, wherein gaṇḍa can mean simply “great,” “big” or “massive.” This general sense is particularly common in the compound gaṇda-śaila (a “massive rock” or “boulder”) and is found in such texts as the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, the Harivaṃśa and the Harṣacarita. Following the discussion of Gaṇḍa, the author examines the term vyūha (“array”) as it is used in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra. The article concludes with the suggestion that a more appropriate translation of the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra would be “The Supreme array Scripture.”     

Evaluation of six presumptive tests for blood, their specificity, sensitivity, and effect on high molecular-weight DNA

Luminol, leuchomalachite green, phenolphthalein, Hemastix, Hemident, and Bluestar are all used as presumptive tests for blood. In this study, the tests were subjected to dilute blood (from 1:10,000 to 1:10,000,000), many common household substance, and chemicals. Samples were tested for DNA to determine whether the presumptive tests damaged or destroyed DNA. The DNA loci tested were D2S1338 and D19S433. Leuchomalachite green had a sensitivity of 1:10,000, while the remaining tests were able to detect blood to a dilution of 1:100,000. Substances tested include saliva, semen, potato, tomato, tomato sauce, tomato sauce with meat, red onion, red kidney bean, horseradish, 0.1 M ascorbic acid, 5% bleach, 10% cupric sulfate, 10% ferric sulfate, and 10% nickel chloride. Of all the substances tested, not one of the household items reacted with every test; however, the chemicals did. DNA was recovered and amplified from luminol, phenolphthalein, Hemastix, and Bluestar, but not from leuchomalachite green or Hemident.     

<Emphasis Type="Italic">Anyathākhyāti</Emphasis>: A Critique by Appaya Dīkṣita in the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Parimala</Emphasis>

In this paper, the problem of illusory perception, as approached by the Nyāya and Advaita Vedānta schools of philosophy, is discussed from the standpoint of the Parimala. This seminal work belonging to the Bhāmatī tradition of Advaita Vedānta was composed in the sixteenth century by the polymath Appaya Dīk?ita. In the context of discussing various theories of illusion, Dīk?ita dwells upon the Nyāya theory of anyathākhyāti, and its connection with jñānalak?a?apratyāsatti as a causal factor for perception, and closely examines if such an extraordinary (alaukika) perception is tenable to explain illusory perception. He then proceeds to point out the deficiencies of this model and thereby brings to the fore the anirvacanīyakhyāti of Advaitins as the only theory which stands scrutiny.     

Monks Who Have Sex: Pārājika Penance in Indian Buddhist Monasticisms

In the study of Buddhism it is commonly accepted that a monk or nun who commits a pārājika offence is permanently and irrevocably expelled from the Buddhist monastic order. This view is based primarily on readings of the Pāli Vinaya. With the exception of the Pāli Vinaya, however, all other extant Buddhist monastic law codes (Dharmaguptaka, Mahāsāṅghika, Mahīśāsaka, Sarvāstivāda and Mūlasarvāstivāda) contain detailed provisions for monks and nuns who commit pārājikas but nevertheless wish to remain within the saṅgha. These monastics are not expelled. Rather, they are granted a special status known as the śikṣādattaka. In this paper I explore the rules. concerning pārājika penance and the śikṣādattaka with specific regard to monastic celibacy. Given that five out of six extant law codes recognise this remarkable accommodation to the rule of celibacy, I argue that we must look to Vinayas other than the Pāli Vinaya if we are to arrive at a nuanced and representative view of Indian Buddhist monasticism.

Grant me chastity and continence, but not yet. Augustine of Hippo (354–430 C.E.)