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Andrew Davison 《Economy and Society》2013,42(2):189-224
The pupose of this essay is to re-evaluate the ideas of Ziya Gökalp (1876–1924), the official ideologue of the Young Turk movement and holder of the first chair of sociology at Istanbul University (1912), whose significance within the history of secular political thought and practice in Turkey remains inadequately explored. Focusing on Gökalp's view of the relationship between nationalism, religion and modernity in the Turkish context, I offe both an account of existing Anglophone interpretations of Gökalp's ideas and an alternative intepretation. In the latter, I seek to identify a conceptual frame in Gökalp's thought: the set of concerns and historical developments which comprise what I call the secularization problematic of modernity and which has implications for understanding his view of the relationship between religion and modernity in general and between Islam and Turkish nationalism in the context of modernization in particular. 相似文献
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Prof. Dr. Christoph Knill Kai Schulze M.A. Dr. Jale Tosun 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2010,51(3):409-432
Policy change is an important concept in comparative policy analysis. Despite its central significance, most empirical studies fail to provide clear-cut definitions and measurement of this concept. Against this background, this article evaluates previous scholarship on policy change in the areas of social and environmental policy. We find that most studies use proxies for measuring policy change even though they contradict the basic idea of policy-making activities. Furthermore, studies usually neither capture the complexity of policy change, nor take into the possibility of policy change through dismantling account. Additionally, the empirical focus of most analyses is too narrow, thereby impeding robust statements about causality. In response to these shortcomings, we propose a new conceptual perspective, which captures policy change as a broader empirical phenomenon. We discuss its advantages as well as its disadvantages and show the implications for the research process. 相似文献
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Giorgia Aiello 《社会征候学》2013,23(4):459-486
This article examines the EU Birthday Logo Competition, which was launched jointly by the major European Union (EU) institutions to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome in 2007. As the first public communication initiative by the European Commission's newly restructured Directorate General for Communication, the logo competition is a particularly rich micro-textual “site” for a critical investigation of the recontextualization of corporate communication discourses and practices into institutional approaches to the communication of EU identity. Through an analysis of policy documents, on-site observations, textual artifacts, and in-depth interviews with policy-makers and design professionals I argue that the tensions and challenges that characterized the EU Birthday Logo Competition and related EU communication policy as a site of recontextualization may have led to the communication of a much more stylized, rather than complex and nuanced, version of European identity. In particular, I argue that the dialectic between the “professional/corporate” and “institutional/political” cultures that interacted in the selection, production and implementation of the anniversary logo may have contributed to obscuring key principles of corporate branding at work in the design, and may have in fact worked to produce a highly generic, decontextualized and ultimately also bland, although certainly problematic, “vision” of EU diversity. 相似文献
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Manfred G. Schmidt 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2001,42(3):474-491
Der vorliegende Beitrag skizziert die besonderen Strukturen des deutschen F?deralismus, hebt seine Leistungen hervor, benennt seine Schw?chen, er?rtert seinen Reformbedarf und diskutiert die Chancen seiner Reform. Es wird gezeigt, dass eine Strukturreform des F?deralismus in Deutschland aufgrund von politisch-institutionellen Bedingungen besonders schwierig ist. Deshalb kann nur ein Teil des Reformbedarfs mit Aussicht auf Erfolg zum politischen Thema gemacht und in Reformvorhaben umgesetzt werden. Das bel?sst erhebliche Lücken zwischen Reformbedarf und Reformf?higkeit. Allerdings sind die Reformgrenzen mit den Leistungen des deutschen F?deralismus zu verrechnen. Diese Leistungen sind beachtlich, wie der internationale Vergleich und das Erreichen f?deralismusspezifischer Ziele, insbesondere Machtaufteilung und Integration, aber auch Einbindung der Opposition zeigen. überhaupt nicht gerüstet ist der F?deralismus (und mit ihm die Politik insgesamt) dafür, ein hochwahrscheinliches — aber derzeit kaum beachtetes — Folgeproblem des „sozialen Bundesstaates“ der Bundesrepublik zu bew?ltigen: Die Finanzierungslasten ihres leistungsstarken Sozialstaats erzeugen bedrohliche Engp?sse in der Finanzierung ?ffentlicher Ausgaben jenseits der Sozialpolitik. 相似文献
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This paper examines the impact of constitutional barriers on the privatisation of public utilities in 21 OECD-countries between 1980 and 2009. We present new and improved indicators for privatisation and constitutional barriers. Three empirical findings stand out: First, national privatisation trajectories differ across both countries and sectors. Second, there is a significant cross-national variation in terms of constitutional provisions related to public utilities which, thirdly, constitute important impediments to privatisation. 相似文献
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This article shows how we might choose between utility-maximizing and organizational-process models of public expenditure decisions and concludes we ought not to try. Both contribute to our understanding of public expenditure outcomes. Furthermore, an integrated approach could better explain public expenditure decisions, than could either approach taken alone.The ideas and their presentation in this paper are the responsibility of Fred Thompson. Richard Williams carried out the data collection and editing and the statistical analysis described herein. Indebtedness to Patrick Larkey of Carnegie-Mellon University is very great. He gave many long hours to discussions of the points raised in this paper. Without his contribution it is doubtful that it would have been written. It is not simply egotism, however, which prevents our sharing authorship with him. The fact is, that after many long hours of discussion and exchange of drafts, we continue to find ourselves irreconcilably divided as to the respective merits of the two models. The paper also benefited from extensive comments by Jim Stephenson and Aiden Vining of UBC, Kristen Monroe of NYU and William Zumeta of UCLA.Now Senior Research Consultant, Regulation Reference, Economic Council of Canada, Ottawa, Canada.Now at Behavioral Research Institute, University of Colorado. 相似文献
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Petra Stykow 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2000,41(2):406-407
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Prof. Dr. Anke Hassel 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2010,51(1):95-117
In the literature on welfare state reforms, continental welfare states like Germany have been considered to be resistant to reform. However, recently scholars started to argue that new reform coalitions and policy learning have led to a major restructuring of the German welfare state. In this article we introduce a third argument into the debate and claim that the recent reforms can only be understood by taking into account the specific structure of welfare state financing in Germany. Focusing on the reform of unemployment benefits we show that the crisis of the widespread cost-shifting practice between the federal budget, the social insurance and local authority budgets contributed to fiscal problems which could ultimately only be resolved by engaging in a fundamental restructuring of the financing architecture of welfare provisions for the long-term unemployed. 相似文献
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2010年广州亚运会上,乒乓球女子团体赛日本队对阵中华台北队激战正醋,日本队"瓷娃娃"福原迎战中华台北队的黄怡桦。在第二局比赛中,福原爱以多变的球路、凶狠的 相似文献
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