1954—1965年美国对巴基斯坦的军事援助及其影响

195 4- 196 5年 ,美国出于遏制共产主义的考虑向巴基斯坦提供了大量军事援助。美国的军事援助深刻地影响了巴基斯坦的政治、经济、军事和外交各方面。本文主要探讨美对巴提供军援的情况、美巴两国各自的战略考虑 ,以及军援对巴基斯坦政治、军事和外交的深刻影响。     

美国对以色列援助初探

美国每年向以色列提供各类援助,这是美以特殊关系的重要组成部分和主要标志。美国对以色列的援助分为从以色列建国——“六五”战争——20世纪90年代中期以来3个阶段,各个阶段有其不同的历史背景。美国对以色列的援助具有数额巨大、机制化、条件最优惠和以军事援助为主要特点。美国对中东的战略考虑、美以特殊关系、以色列的战略价值、美国犹太人的巨大影响力和国际局势等是促进美国援助以色列的主要因素。美国援助以色列,对美以两国产生的影响是利弊并存。     

拉丁美洲的军工生产和武器需求

长期以来,拉丁美洲一直是美国的势力范围,特别是拉美国家的军队,一直受美国的控制和影响。美国同拉美国家签订有军事协定,向它们提供军事援助,从军队的装备到军事人员的培训都由美国包揽,美国反对其他西方国家向拉美国家出售武器,不许其他武器生产国染指拉美国家的武器贸易。自60年代起,拉美国家独立意识增强,要求摆脱在军事装备方面对美国的依赖,相继废除了同美国建立的军事同盟,拒绝美国的“军援”,在武器来源方面实行多样化方针,一方面从西欧、以色列等国进口武器,少数国家也从前苏联进口武器,另一方面,拉美一些工业比较发达的国家,如巴西、阿     

美国对台军售问题

对台军售是中美建交过程中的遗留问题。在新中国成立后的相当长时期内，美国拒不承认新中国政府，但对溃逃到台湾的国民党当局提供了各种形式的支持，除在台湾驻军、与台湾当局缔结军事同盟外，从1949年到1979年中美建交，美国向台湾提供的援助达59．8亿美元，其中42．2亿美元为军事援助，17．6亿美元为经济援助。中美建交以来，美国对台军售问题一直是中美关系的一大痼疾。     

20世纪60年代美国在拉美的反游击战政策

20世纪60年代,拉美大规模的游击运动被美国政府看作是民族主义和共产主义共同推动的结果,对美国在西半球的经济、安全和战略利益构成严重威胁。于是美国肯尼迪—约翰逊政府实行了一系列软硬兼施的反游击战政策,对拉美国家的亲美政权提供军事援助和军事训练,帮助其打击国内游击队势力,同时还出台了经济社会发展援助计划,以消除拉美游击运动的根源。这些政策虽然实现了打击拉美暴力革命的短期军事目标,但未能实现经济社会发展目标,反倒进一步激化了拉美人民的反美情绪。美国在拉美的反游击战政策反映了冷战双方在西半球的较量和势力格局变化。     

俄美关系的走向及其影响

乌克兰危机以来,由于美国对俄罗斯实施经济制裁和政治军事遏制,俄美关系陷入长期对抗。俄美对抗的根源在于美国不断削弱俄罗斯对其周边地区的影响力和企图改造俄罗斯政治制度。同时,基于军事安全互动的俄美关系基本结构也使两国难以摆脱安全困境。拜登执政后,美国对俄推行"强力遏制+有限合作"政策,普京政府可能以反制与合作两手策略应对,既避免与美国发生军事冲突,也不会卑躬屈膝地与之和解。未来一段时期内,俄美关系仍将延续对抗状态,难以实现正常化。     

美国国家安全战略综述

美国国家安全战略是其防务政策和外交政策的总和。尽管在冷战的相当长时间内美国没有正式的国家安全战略文件,但我们仍然可以从美国的防务政策和外交政策的变化中看出其国家安全战略的概貌。1986年,美国会通过《戈德尔特——尼科尔斯国防部改组法》之后,美总统每年向国会提交一份综合性的国家安全战略报告。由此,研究和了解美国国家安全战略有了更加可靠和完整的依据。     

美国对台政策演变及其特点

美国对台政策是其“一中”政策的组成部分。50多年来,美国出于其国家利益和国际战略需要,在三个不同的历程时期采取了三种不同的对华政策,在对台政策上则从不同时期对华政策的反面表现出其不确定性。美国对台政策的两面性,是台海局势不能缓和的根本原因,也是今后台海局势稳定的最大威胁。     

布什政府调整中东政策及其局限

布什政府第一任期内,在中东推行单边主义强硬政策多方受挫,在伊拉克更陷于泥潭而难以自拔.严峻形势迫使布什政府在第二任期对中东政策做出一定调整,使其带有某种务实色彩.由于美国在中东推行单边主义和偏袒以色列的政策实质未变,这种调整是换汤不换药,难以达到其预期目的.     

以色列少数群体政策安全化问题评析

以色列是一个典型的将少数族群问题安全化的国家。建国后，以色列少数群体政策的历史演进以重大事件为标志，大致经历了军事管控政策的实施、军事管控政策的废止至《奥斯陆协议》签订前、《奥斯陆协议》的签订与实施、《犹太民族国家法》颁布至当前4个阶段。由于极为特殊的建国经历及其所处的地缘环境，以色列的少数群体政策自始至终都渗透着一种强烈的国家安全取向，维护犹太国家安全与统一利益成为主导以色列族群政策与立法演进的内在价值逻辑。从现实效果来看，虽然以色列的以国家安全为价值取向的族群政策，有力地捍卫了其“犹太民族国家”属性，确保了国家的整体安全，但基于犹太民族自身利益的绝对安全观，也使其面临着国内族群矛盾尖锐、国家凝聚力削弱、周边关系不睦甚至恶化的威胁与挑战。奉行和合共生的政策理念与重塑包容、合作的安全机制，是破解以色列少数族群问题安全化问题之路。     

Impact of human rights on U.S. foreign assistance to Latin America

Building upon the contributions of previous studies of U.S. foreign aid, this study examines the relationship between human rights and U.S. foreign assistance. Concentrating on the years 1979–1985, the impact of human rights conditions on both economic and military aid allocations to Latin America is analyzed. The results of this analysis indicate that though other factors have a significant effect upon aid allocation, human rights are an important factor in determining the allocation of both U.S. economic assistance and U.S. military assistance. The findings suggest that those countries with better human rights conditions are likely to receive more U.S. aid than others.     

United States Human Rights Policy and Foreign Assistance

This study furthers the inquiry into the relationship between human rights and U.S. bilateral foreign aid. We build the most comprehensive data set to date, extending the time period (1976–1995) and enlarging the number of countries under review (140). Rhetoric aside, human rights considerations did play a role in determining whether or not a state received military aid during the Reagan and Bush administrations, but not for the Carter or Clinton administration. With the exception of the Clinton administration, human rights was a determinant factor in the decision to grant economic aid, albeit of secondary importance. To the question "Does a state's human rights record affect the amount of U.S. bilateral aid it receives?" we answer yes for economic aid, but no for military aid. Human rights considerations are neither the only nor the primary consideration in aid allocation.     

艾森豪威尔处理苏伊士运河战争危机的经验及其对奥巴马政府的启示

1956年10月,以色列在美国总统大选前8天,不顾艾森豪威尔政府预先劝诫,在英、法两国幕后策划下,对埃及发动先发制人的打击。艾森豪威尔总统为此采取一系列行动,如诉诸联合国、启动对以经济制裁、甚至威胁驱逐其出联合国,最终实现被他称之为"侵略者"的三方无条件停火撤退。艾森豪威尔成功的范例给2012年面临同样难题的奥巴马提供了一些历史经验:美国的外交不能被一个小盟国所捆绑,即便他们曾是美国的"铁杆"朋友。美国只有坚持公正、理性与原则,且在冲突中支持受害者,才能最大程度上维护美国的利益与形象,并最终使美国成为中东最具有决定性的外部力量。     

Aid for arms: The impact of superpower economic assistance on military spending in Sub‐Saharan Africa

This study examines the relationship between superpower economic assistance and military allocations in 25 countries of Sub‐Saharan Africa during the period 1977–1984. Using pooled time‐series regression analysis, we find that African recipients do not treat U.S. aid as fungible. Soviet economic aid, however, is found to have a positive effect on the recipient's military spending.     

Assessing a Decade of U.S. Military Strategy in Africa

The past decade has witnessed a sea change in U.S. military engagement in Africa. With the establishment of a new permanent command, significant increases in security assistance, and the pioneering of new tactics driven by technical innovations in intelligence analysis and drone warfare, the U.S. military has become an integral player in the continent's security. Nevertheless, there exist few assessments of the extent to which increased U.S. military engagement is paying dividends. This article examines how the current U.S. military strategy in Africa is different from those in the past and whether it is meeting the stated U.S. objectives of neutralizing transnational threats while contributing to the continent's political stability. It finds that U.S. performance is mixed, with recent successes at containing the spread of al Qaeda and Islamic State affiliated groups coming at the potential detriment of longer-term regional security. The article concludes with recommendations aimed at helping the armed forces of the U.S. and other regional actors better fight terrorism while managing political risks.     

近期美国升高西太平洋紧张局势的战略意图及其影响

随着美国全球战略重心加速东移,特别是在近期美国从伊拉克撤军与从阿富汗准备抽身而退之时,美国在亚太地区频频举行军事演习,尤其是美借天安舰之机,趁势强化美韩与美日同盟,并高调介入南海争端,与东南亚伙伴强化军事互动,积极谋求南海争端的国际化。美国正沿太平洋,从东北亚至东南亚一线,事实上形成了针对中国的战略围堵。美国近期升高西太平洋紧张局势的一系列举动并不是偶然的,而是冷战后美国全球战略重心从大西洋向太平洋转移的重要组成部分。奥巴马加速重返亚太的战略调整将对中国实施远海战略与拓展战略纵深以及推行和谐周边的外交战略产生冲击。     

美印军事合作及其制约因素

军事合作是美印两国关系发展中具有标志性意义的重要组成部分。进入新世纪以来,伴随美印战略伙伴关系的逐步确立,双方在军事防务领域的合作进展迅速。但与此同时,制约双方军事合作发展的因素依然存在,这反映了美印战略伙伴关系亦有其局限性。     

Innovation or Inertia: The U.S. Military and the Learning of Counterinsurgency

Following its encounter with insurgent violence in Iraq, the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) has sought to improve the U.S. military's ability to conduct counterinsurgency. This effort suggests a potential turning-point in the history of the U.S. military, which has traditionally devoted its attention and resources to “high-intensity” or “conventional” combat. Given this institutional culture, what are now the prospects of the U.S. military ‘learning counterinsurgency’? In many ways, the ongoing reorientation is promising and targeted, informed directly by the U.S. campaign in Iraq. At the same time, Pentagon priorities still reveal a remarkable resistance to change, and this in spite of the radically altered strategic environment of the War on Terror. Given this intransigence - and the eventual fall-out from the troubled Iraq campaign - the ongoing learning of counterinsurgency might very well fail to produce the type of deep-rooted change needed to truly transform the U.S. military.     

U.S. Foreign Aid and UN Voting: An Analysis of Important Issues

Many previous studies assessed the effectiveness of U.S. foreign aid by focusing on voting coincidence rates of all UN votes and found no relationship between U.S. aid distribution and UN voting coincidence rates. Most UN resolutions, however, are simply not important enough for the U.S. to expend its scarce resources in influencing the outcomes. The U.S. government would not be likely to exercise pressure on all UN resolutions but would do so on issues considered vital to America's national interests. If there is any effect from receiving U.S. foreign aid on political outcomes in the UN, it is therefore most likely to emerge in voting coincidence rates on important issues. Using data collected for sixty-five developing countries between 1984 and 1993, a pooled cross-sectional and time-series research design is adopted to examine this hypothesis. Contrary to the argument that foreign aid is an ineffective policy instrument in the pursuit of America's global influence, the currentfindings suggest that the U.S. government has successfully utilized foreign aid programs to induce foreign policy compliance in the UN on issues that are vital to America's national interests.