俄美关系现状及前景

今年来,因美国在东欧部署导弹防御系统而引发俄美各种矛盾骤然激化,俄美关系降至冷战结束后的冰点。美国对俄罗斯持续不断的挤压使俄国内反美情绪上升;俄综合国力的提升使它敢于同西方针锋相对。然而,俄美关系不会重新回到冷战,而正在形成非敌非友、对抗加合作的模式。俄美关系的未来走向在很大程度上取决俄国内政治的发展演变。     

俄美关系:冷和平

俄美关系的基本特点已定型 ,即“冷和平”。现在的俄美关系是冷战后最“冷”的时期 ,1999年是双方关系陷入新低点的标志年。俄美是一对无共同利益基础的伙伴 ,导致俄美冲突的基础性原因是大国争雄 ,俄美的战略利益、地缘安全、国际目标都相去甚远 ,互相矛盾 ,俄美冲突具有不可避免性 ,“冷和平 ,冷伙伴”是俄美关系的现实写照。短期内 ,俄罗斯无力重开冷战 ,而美国将继续对俄采取两面政策。普京将高举爱国主义和强国意识的旗帜 ,俄美关系的实质不会发生重大变化。从长远来看 ,随着俄罗斯重振大国地位 ,努力成为多极世界中的一员 ,俄美对立将会升温 ,甚至向“热冷战”转化     

俄罗斯崛起与俄美关系

俄美关系近期矛盾凸现,但两国仍未突破冷战后形成的非敌非友关系的框架.当下双方交恶只是从各自的战略利益考虑进行新一轮的讨价还价.两国还存在共同利益,均需要借重对方,开展合作.然而从俄美关系整体的发展趋势看,双方难以弥合的战略利益和目标间的差异非但没有减少,反而在不断扩大,两国关系的前景不容乐观.     

地缘政治与美俄关系--从乌克兰大选解读冷战后美俄关系中的地缘政治因素

地缘政治是国际关系研究中的一个经久的话题.随着美苏冷战的结束,意识形态的对抗模式渐渐淡出了历史舞台,一度沉寂的地缘政治思想又回到了国家战略思维的前沿.在一个不再以意识形态划线的时代里,基于地缘的战略思考成为国家制定其大战略的关键.正是在这种前提下,本文试图对冷战后美俄关系进行再思考,从乌兰克大选的视角审视美俄间的地缘性冲突及双边关系未来的可能性走势.     

俄美关系的走向及其影响

乌克兰危机以来,由于美国对俄罗斯实施经济制裁和政治军事遏制,俄美关系陷入长期对抗。俄美对抗的根源在于美国不断削弱俄罗斯对其周边地区的影响力和企图改造俄罗斯政治制度。同时,基于军事安全互动的俄美关系基本结构也使两国难以摆脱安全困境。拜登执政后,美国对俄推行"强力遏制+有限合作"政策,普京政府可能以反制与合作两手策略应对,既避免与美国发生军事冲突,也不会卑躬屈膝地与之和解。未来一段时期内,俄美关系仍将延续对抗状态,难以实现正常化。     

奠基早期美俄关系的《美俄商约》与詹姆斯·布坎南

1832年詹姆斯·布坎南作为美国驻俄公使来到圣彼得堡,并首度主持、签署了与俄国的《商贸与航海条约》。此前十余年美俄两国处于相互戒备状态。此约是美俄关系史上的第一份官方贸易条约,并一直持续到1912年,长期规范着美俄贸易,也引领了美俄早期商务关系,影响了两国的早期外交关系,甚至也影响了此后美国对俄长期的外交政策。詹姆斯·布坎南为此发挥了特殊作用。本文依据历史文献揭示了这段鲜为人知的历史进程及其演进的原因。     

冷战后美俄中南亚博弈

冷战结束后，国际战略格局发生了重大而深刻的变化，世界朝着多极化方向发展，大国关系也随之产生了一系列的变化，对国际格局形成了互动效应。本文以南亚的印度和巴基斯坦两国为研究对象，着重探讨冷战后，特别是90年代以来，美俄中三国在南亚问题上政策的异同，展望这一地区大国关系的互动前景以及对中国外交的影响。     

俄美关系:新的起点?

奥巴马上台后,美国新政府开始调整对俄政策,并得到俄罗斯方面的积极回应,俄美互动出现新的发展态势.布什政府对俄"挤压与削弱"政策受挫、美俄势力此消彼长、世界金融危机的影响以及俄美广泛共同利益的存在是促使奥巴马调整对俄政策的主要动因.以奥巴马对俄政策调整为契机,俄美关系未来有望进入一个"合作加强、对抗减少"的"建设性"阶段.     

大选年俄美关系态势

2008年俄美双双进入总统大选年,两国都有借对方总统换届契机改善僵持已久的双边关系的愿望。但从俄美互为战略对手的本质和彼此关系存在的深层次、结构性矛盾看,双方通过领导人的换届来缓解两国关系的空间有限,美俄间的遏制与反遏制较量将会长期持续下去。     

合作抑或对抗——试析美俄关系的未来走向

美俄关系自冷战结束以来经历了多年的起伏不定直至2007年坠入最低谷。左右美俄关系的深层因素，除双方在战略利益上“合作与竞争”的实力变化外，就是地缘政治意识和价值观方面不可调和的矛盾。今后的美俄关系不会陷入新的冷战，仍会是合作与对抗并存，对抗可能呈上升趋势。     

Future U.S.-Russian Relations

Presidential changes in Russia and the U.S. may open new opportunities for improving increasingly important bilateral relations, but expectations are not high. With the elapse of the so-called Putin autocracy and the Bush unilateralism, U.S.-Russian relations are overshadowed by a new ＂Cold Word War,＂ if not a Cold War. The U.S. will continue to accuse Russia of running an autocracy in order to justify its own invasive foreign conduct and gain the moral high-ground. The two powers will be involved in a bitter struggle, alternating between offensives and defensives, containment and cooperation.     

中美俄:三边关系互动新趋势

中美俄三边关系是当今世界上最重要的三边关系。在共同应对国际金融危机的大目标下,特别是在奥巴马就任美国总统之后,三边关系出现了一些新的转机,其中处于较低水平的美俄关系出现了较大的调整。作为联合国常任理事国的中美俄三国,其相互关系的良性互动必然有利于世界的和平、稳定与发展。因此,不排除未来三国之间建立某种对话与协调机制的可能。     

俄美经贸合作与发展

俄罗斯与美国在冷战结束后,经贸关系得到了快速发展。随着两国关系的改善,两国贸易和经济合作,尤其在能源等领域的合作将会更加引人关注。     

论当前中美俄三边关系新特征和新趋舅

国际金融危机以来,中美俄三边关系进入以合作为主的新阶段。在普京重新出任总统后,美俄能否在欧洲反导问题上形成共识,将成为影响美俄关系发展的重要因素。未来,中美俄三边关系将会是各国在争取自身战略利益的过程中不断寻求妥协,将彼此间的竞争控制在规则允许的范围内。基于美国实力相对衰弱、俄中实力上升、解决全球性和地区问题上需要合作等因素,三国关系仍可能以继续保持建设性合作的基本态势向前发展。     

Russian Grand Strategy and the United States in the 21st Century

Despite the initially cordial relationship between the United States and Russia following the September 11, 2001 attacks, the Iraq War became a turning point in what evolved into the worst relationship between Moscow and Washington since the Cold War. From that point onwards, Russia persistently has exhibited aggressive behavior toward the United States, resulting in numerous crises. This article argues that this Russian assertiveness is deliberate, arising from a mixture of domestic and international factors. In light of recent developments in U.S.-Russian relations, especially the decision of American President Barack Obama to abandon the Bush Administration's scheme to deploy national missile defense (NMD) system in Eastern Europe, it is important to understand that Russia's grand strategy is aimed at promoting multipolarity and that Moscow is willing to apply limited military force to achieve its goals. The Obama Administration should engage Russia, but be prepared to confront it if necessary.     

试析中越关系中的美国因素

美国因素在中越关系中起着重要的作用。冷战结束以后，尤其是近些年来，越美关系发展迅速。两国在政治、经济和军事领域的合作，将不可避免地对中越关系造成影响。但是由于越美之间存在诸多矛盾和分歧，使得美国因素对中越关系的影响十分有限。对此，中国应积极应对，通过发展对越关系、对美关系和提升自身实力的方式，将美国因素对中越关系造成的不利影响降至最低点。     

2011年美国外交面临的挑战

2011年国际局势中的许多事态对美国的中东外交政策形成新的挑战。西亚北非的动荡和变局可能导致中东地缘政治版图重新绘制,对美国未来的中东外交必将带来许多变数;美国一巴基斯坦之间发生的事态可能对奥巴马政府的反恐战略及南亚战略提出新的挑战;巴勒斯坦不顾美国阻挠申请加入联合国,使美国与穆斯林世界的关系面临新的考验。这些挑战今后有可能进一步发酵,对美国全球战略产生影响,其中包括对奥巴马政府＂-3前高调进行的“重返亚洲”形成牵制。     

U.S. Policy Towards Southeast Asia

Greater East Asia is expected to be the next theatre for world politics. 1 East Asian cooperation is rapidly developing through the channels of ASEAN Plus Three （APT） and East Asia Summit （EAS）, both driven by ASEAN. Southeast Asia is a region of diverse states and cultures that brings together all the major powers of the Asian-Pacific in a myriad of strategic interests. It is thus an open arena with the potential for a variety of strategic game-playing, options, and uncertain outcomes.2 In recent years, China＇s developing relationship with Southeast Asia has undergone a significant shift as the U.S.＇ distraction elsewhere and neglect of the region have created opportunities for an increased Chinese diplomatic and economic role in Southeast Asia.3 U.S. analysts are concerned about what may lie behind this shift in China-ASEAN relations, how it may affect American interests in the region and how best to react to the changes. Some have expressed concerns that to avoid becoming distanced from the region the U.S. should pay more attention to Southeast Asia, rather than just watching from a distance. This paper attempts to analyze the possible changes of U.S. policy towards Southeast Asia in the current context of East Asian Cooperation and its implications for China.     

U.S.Deterrence and Coercive Diplomacy and China's Coping Strategy

Deterrence and coercion are two kinds of strategies,the latter being more aggressive than the former.The U.S.Asia-Pacific Rebalancing strategy is an important diplomatic legacy of Obama's administration.For the issues involving the Diaoyu Islands,the South China Sea,cyber security,DPRK's nuclear program,and Iran's nuclear program,the U.S.has carded out military deterrence and non-force coercion against China.But generally,these are low-level coercive measures and distinct from the severe economic sanction and diplomatic isolation imposed by the U.S.on Russia,Syria,DPRK and Iran in recent years.Concerning issues where the U.S.and China hold distinct views,there would be less strategic leeway for the two countries.If the U.S.is to strengthen deterrence and coercion towards China,China can respond more actively and effectively,but it will be more difficult to build a new model of China-U.S.major-country relationship.     

Understanding the Unilateralist Turn in U.S. Foreign Policy

How should we explain the recent unilateralist turn in U.S. foreign policy? Some accounts treat growing American unilateralism as a passing aberration attributable to the neoconservative ideology of the Bush administration. This paper, by contrast, traces U.S. unilateralism to the structural effects, at home and abroad, of the end of the Cold War. Internationally, the removal of the Soviet threat has undermined the "institutional bargain" that once guided relations between the U.S. and its major allies. Absent Cold War imperatives, the U.S. is less willing to provide collective goods through strong international institutions and other states are less likely to defer to U.S. demands for special privileges that exempt the U.S. from normal multilateral constraints. Domestically, the end of the Cold War has weakened the ability of presidents to resist the appeals of powerful veto players whose interests are threatened by multilateral commitments. These factors suggest that American unilateralism may have deeper roots and more staying power than many expect.