国外思想政治教育对我国大学生思政教育的启示

在"应试教育"的背景下,我国的教育往往以学习科学知识为主,从而忽视了大学生德育素质的培养。尤其是面对利益的多元化以及各种思潮的影响,大学生逐渐出现了不同程度的价值观迷失、精神荒芜的现象。因此,从思想政治教育的教育内容、实施方法和教育环境三个方面分析大学生的思想政治教育现状,阐述国外思想政治教育的特点,为我国大学生的思想政治教育寻求借鉴。     

大学生思想政治教育话语体系构建——在西方社会思潮冲击影响下

在全球化语境下,西方社会思潮不断渗透我国的意识形态教育,尤其是对大学生产生了深刻的影响,给大学生思想政治教育工作带来了新的挑战和任务,也对大学生思想政治教育话语体系的构建提出了新的要求。为此,需要转变大学生思想政治教育话语理念,完善大学生思想政治教育话语内容,开拓大学生思想政治教育话语的新形式,探索互动交往型大学生思想政治教育话语体系。     

当代社会思潮对高校思想政治教育教学的积极影响

社会思潮是重要的社会意识现象,是社会生活的晴雨表,是社会变迁的风向标。我国现在正处于社会发展的转型期,文化的全球传播、社会思潮的潮涌冲击着大学生的世界观、价值观和人生观,对大学生的成长成才产生了多方面的影响。从有益的角度来看,能开阔大学生的视野,为大学生了解社会提供一个窗口,与主流价值观形成互补关系,并提高青年大学生的适应力和辨别力。研究和把握当代社会思潮对高校思想政治教育教学的积极影响,既是高校思想政治教育研究的重大课题,也是思想政治教育工作在大学教育中的新要求,我们必须坚持以马克思主义为指导,用社会主义核心价值体系来引领多样化的社会思潮。     

多元文化背景下的大学生理想信念教育探究

大学生思想政治教育在多元文化背景下遭遇诸多挑战，而作为思想政治教育中的核心内容，理想信念教育对多元文化的冲击的敏感度更加突出。多元文化对理想信念教育冲击主要是从改变塑造大学生世界观、价值观、人生观切入。多元价值观念的传播、外国文化的强势介入、国内利益多元化带来的思潮多元化是影响理想信念教育的主要原因。在新形势下加强理想信念教育，必须坚持用马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想武装大学生，兼顾大学生价值观多元的现实，加强引导疏导，突出重点群体，分层次推进，有针对性地开展社会主义核心价值观教育。     

新形势下大学生社会主义核心价值观教育之探析

多种社会思潮影响及大学生自身政治理论素养匮乏,这些主客观因素导致当代大学生价值观仍存在一些不容忽视的问题。在高校中应以社会主义核心价值体系引领社会思潮,以顺应培养中国特色社会主义事业合格建设者和可靠接班人的要求构筑和谐校园。高校思想政治工作者应遵循思想政治教育的基本原则,对大学生进行社会主义核心价值观教育。     

历史虚无主义对大学生思想政治教育的影响

随着社会的飞速发展,历史虚无主义不断侵蚀着人们的思想,这种思潮容易给正处在形成正确人生观、价值观阶段的大学生造成混乱和扭曲,给大学生的思想政治教育带来了很大挑战。本文阐述了历史虚无主义的含义及对大学生思想政治教育的影响,希望加强大学生思想政治教育,使他们能够认清历史虚无主义所带来的消极影响。     

多元文化背景下大学生信仰心态调研分析

在文化多元化和价值取向多元化的大背景下,大学生信仰心态纷繁复杂,马克思主义信仰有弱化的趋势,大学生信仰呈现多样化、功利化、世俗化的特点。这与当前社会发展状况和大学生自身思想文化素养有着密切关联,而高校思想政治教育的异化则是另一重要原因。因此,要加强大学生主流信仰教育,引导大学生在繁芜丛杂的信仰中树立正确的信仰观。     

新时代高校网络思想政治教育现状及策略研究

在网络社会文化带来深刻变革的背景下,通过建立完备的网络思想政治教育学科系统,形成多元化、多层次的队伍专业化管理方式。以"双微双强"为重点,使思想政治教育深入人心,加强马克思主义理论教育,培养大学生树立正确的世界观、人生观和价值观,从而提升大学生的社会责任感和历史使命感,早日实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。     

青少年思想道德建设与思想政治教育专业大学生素质的培养

当前,青少年特别是"90后"青少年的思想道德状况呈现多元化发展的特点,家庭、学校和社会对其产生了重要的影响。高校师范生特别是思想政治教育专业大学生的素质培养也与其有着密切联系。从分析青少年思想道德建设状况与当前高校思想政治教育专业大学生素质培养现状出发,分析青少年思想道德建设与思想政治教育专业大学生素质培养的关系,进一步探讨培养思想政治教育专业大学生素质,促进青少年思想道德建设的具体措施。     

大学生个体矛盾的原因及规避路径探析

大学生个体矛盾产生的原因主要是宣传思想工作和高校思想政治教育基点的定位各有侧重、二者信息具有差异性、社会思潮对大学生精神世界的渗透、大学生个人因素的制约四个方面。因此,可通过发挥大众传媒的舆论导向功能,弘扬主旋律,提倡多样性,保持高校思想政治教育要与宣传思想教育的一致性,促进以学生为本位和以政府为本位的平衡和切实提高当代大学生的主观能动性来实现个体矛盾的规避。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.