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1.
The case of the erased residents of Slovenia – when approximately 18,000 people who were mostly of Serbian, Croatian and Bosnian
ethnicity, were erased from the permanent residence registry of the Republic of Slovenia – represents one of the most severe
cases of administrative ethnic/racial discrimination and human rights violations in the post-communist East and Central Europe
outside the conflict area. The erasure caused “civil death” of the people who were affected by the measure, depriving them
of civil, political, social, and economic rights. In 2007, 4 years after the 2003 Constitutional Court decision, declaring
the 1992 erasure an unconstitutional act of the state and requiring the legislator to adopt measures to reinstate the statuses
of the erased people, the problem remains unsolved and unaddressed both systemically and individually, and the situation of
erasure persists. This article presents the case and analyses of the framework that made the erasure possible in terms of
the preparation of the majority of Slovenes to accept and even support the violations and politicians to renounce their political
responsibility to those who have lost the right to have rights.
This article is based on the insights of the research project Contemporary Citizenship: Politics of Inclusion and Exclusion (2000–2003) led by Vlasta Jalušič. The analysis of the case of erased was published in Jasminka Dedić, Vlasta Jalušič, and
Jelka Zorn (eds.), The Erased: Organized Innocence and the Politics of Exclusion, translated from Slovenian by Olga Vuković and Marjana Karer (Ljubljana: Peace Institute, 2003), at . The authors wish to thank the anonymous reviewer for the extensive and most helpful comments.
相似文献
Vlasta Jalušič (Corresponding author)Email: |
Jasminka DedićEmail: |
2.
Sharon Portnoff 《Society》2009,46(1):76-84
On reading Primo Levi’s Holocaust memoir If This is a Man, one is immediately struck by its literary quality, and especially its generous use of Dante’s Inferno, both of which point to the more general problem of Holocaust witnessing. This paper focuses on Levi’s reasons for using
Dante’s poem in particular to communicate his experience. Levi’s choice of Inferno is pointed, not only because of the obvious trope of existence in Hell, but also because Levi conceived of Auschwitz as an
experiment designed to destroy the “human,” created in part, at least in the West, by Dante’s poem. What I will be suggesting
is that Levi emphasizes the distinctions between his and Dante’s experiences by including in his conversation with Dante’s
Inferno (paradoxically) his rejection of that conversation. There may or may not be something “human” which persists after Auschwitz,
and the only way to ask this question, without preconceiving an answer, is to dramatize silence. The resultant ambiguity urges
readers to, as Levi puts it, “participate in” the events described and/or dramatized.
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Sharon PortnoffEmail: |
3.
Volker Heins 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(2):213-232
This article examines recent controversies over the relationship between human rights and intellectual property rights (IPRs).
Many activists have claimed that IPRs conflict with human rights. Others have argued that IPRs are themselves human rights.
The article approaches the debate as an opportunity to clarify the nature of IPRs in relation to human rights, as well as
the nature of contemporary struggles over these rights. After surveying the dual expansion of both human rights and IPRs and
rejecting the view that IPRs are rooted in human rights, the author investigates the example of the HIV/AIDS crisis and the
global Campaign for Access to Essential Medicines in order to illustrate attempts to represent IPRs as an outright threat
to human rights. Highlighting the limitations of a human rights-based critique of IPRs, he concludes by proposing to study
contemporary conflicts over IPRs and human rights as struggles for recognition and as struggles over the institutionalization
of a transnational “recognition order.”
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Volker HeinsEmail: |
4.
5.
Stephen J. Caldas 《Society》2008,45(1):30-34
This article scrutinizes the inconsistencies in the 2003 Grutter v. Bollinger Supreme Court decision which upheld the University
of Michigan’s law school affirmative action policy. The decision, which now governs university admissions policies in all
50 states, ruled that “diversity” remains a compelling state interest that legally justifies discriminating between individuals
on the basis of their race in determining college admissions. This article examines two incongruous justifications offered
by the Grutter court in justification for their ruling: the “critical mass” justification and the no “undo harm” argument.
Neither rationale is able to withstand careful, logical examination.
相似文献
Stephen J. CaldasEmail: |
6.
Frederick M. Hess 《Society》2008,45(6):534-539
The tangled relationship between education research and policy has received little serious scrutiny, even as paeans to “scientifically
based research” and “evidence-based practice” have become a staple of education policymaking in recent years. For all the
attention devoted to the 5-year-old Institute of Education Sciences, to No Child Left Behind’s call for “scientifically based
research,” to professional interest in data-driven decision-making, and to the refinement of sophisticated analytic tools,
little effort has gone into understanding how, when, or why research affects education policy. Instead, most discussion has
focused on how to identify “best practices” or “scientifically based” methods and how to encourage classroom educators to
use research findings. In this article, based on the new volume, When Research Matters: How Scholarship Influences Education Policy, Frederick M. Hess examines these questions.
相似文献
Frederick M. HessEmail: |
7.
Alex Fielding 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):513-523
In the wake of globalisation, we have witnessed the rise of the transnational corporation—powerful, new players in an international
human rights system ill-equipped to handle the challenge. Despite the best efforts of the United Nations, international treaties
and human rights lawyers the world over, there is simply no mandatory international code of corporate conduct targeting human
rights practices. Enter the Alien Tort Claims Act (ATCA), a once-obscure U.S. statute that provides a private cause of action
for violations of international human rights law committed by governmental and non-governmental actors. This paper will examine
recent ATCA jurisprudence, the landmark Unocal settlement, and the ATCA’s role in reining in Yahoo! Inc. for supplying evidence
used to convict Chinese dissidents Wang Xiaoning and Shi Tao.
Alex Fielding received his B.A. degree from Augustana University College and his LL.B. degree from the University of Victoria. He is currently articling with Stikeman Elliot LLP in Vancouver, BC. 相似文献
Alex FieldingEmail: |
Alex Fielding received his B.A. degree from Augustana University College and his LL.B. degree from the University of Victoria. He is currently articling with Stikeman Elliot LLP in Vancouver, BC. 相似文献
8.
Daniel J. Mahoney 《Society》2009,46(1):12-20
The French political thinker Raymond Aron (1905–1983) provides the imitable model of the political philosopher as civic educator.
Writing in an age of extreme ideological polarization, he aimed at a truly balanced approach to historical and political understanding.
In a series of writings from the late 1930’s onward, Aron defended a principled middle way between Machiavellian cynicism
and the “abstract moralism” so evident in the public engagement of modern intellectuals. Aron argued for the renewal of liberalism
on the foundation of a broad-based “democratic conservatism” and displayed remarkable lucidity regarding the totalitarian
temptation. This paper explores this distinctive notion of “democratic conservatism”—equally distant from revolutionary romanticism
and reactionary nostalgia—that guided Aron’s public engagement over a fifty-year period and that was central to his idea of
the political responsibility of intellectuals.
相似文献
Daniel J. MahoneyEmail: |
9.
Robert Carle 《Society》2008,45(2):181-190
In the 1980s, Britain’s Labour Party promoted a system of race-relations that envisioned Britain as a collection of discrete
cultures with equal status. This multicultural model for organizing society conflicted with traditional British notions of
a unified national culture, with an assimilationist model of immigrant incorporation. Today, the Labour Party’s relationship
with Islamists is sharply dividing Labour’s “rainbow” constituency. Whereas the horrific events of 9/11 and 7/7 have led many
Labour leaders to replace its defense of multiculturalism with Tory-sounding calls for immigrant assimilation, other Labour
leaders are working harder than ever to accommodate their Muslim constituents.
相似文献
Robert CarleEmail: |
10.
Brad Lowell Stone 《Society》2008,45(2):146-151
This article identifies the shortcomings of “orthodox neo-Darwinians” such as Richard Dawkins, George Williams and Daniel
Dennett in their efforts to describe human nature and human pro-social behavior. As an alternative to the views of these thinkers,
the efforts of Peter Richerson, Robert Boyd, and other “dual inheritance” theorists to describe the evolution of human nature
are also characterized. It is argued that dual inheritance theorists have surpassed the orthodox neo-Darwinians in their explanations
for very important and uniquely human features such as our extensive sociability, complex cumulative culture and morality.
相似文献
Brad Lowell StoneEmail: |
11.
12.
Xufeng Zhu 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(4):315-334
Studies of policy entrepreneurs have become a staple of public policy research. Very few such studies deal with the circumstances
of China. This paper aims to remedy this oversight by exploring the mechanisms of policy change in China. Using John Kingdon’s
Multiple Streams (MS) Model, the author develops the “Technical Infeasibility Model.” The paper tests the MS model’s applicability
to China by examining strategies put forth by Chinese policy entrepreneurs in the third sector. It considers how they may
successfully promote change by using a strategy of proposing a relatively radical policy concept that is politically acceptable
and technically infeasible to policy makers. To illustrate such a strategy, this paper considers a case of policy change involving
Chinese urban vagrants. The policy on “Detention and Repatriation,” which was first implemented in 1982, was challenged following
the Sun Zhigang Incident in March 2003. Shortly thereafter law scholars filed two suggestion letters to the National People’s
Congress Standing Committee calling for a constitutionality review of the Detention and Repatriation System. Though it was
“technically infeasible” to air such a proposal in China at that time, the State Council initiated action to abolish certain
provisions of the Detention and Repatriation System. However, the National People’s Congress Standing Committee did not conduct
a constitutionality review.
相似文献
Xufeng ZhuEmail: |
13.
Danny Hayes 《Political Behavior》2009,31(2):231-260
Scholars and political observers have suggested that television has “personalized” voting behavior in American presidential
elections by encouraging citizens to cast ballots on the basis of candidate image and personality. Though an oft-heard assertion,
little solid evidence exists that this is true, and the reinvigoration of partisanship and the persistence of ideological
conflict suggest personalization may be less pervasive than supposed. In this paper, I use National Election Studies data
to examine whether voters are more concerned with candidates’ personal characteristics now than they were at the outset of
the television era. I find, however, that voters are no more likely today to mention candidate personality as a reason for
their vote choice than they were in the 1950s and 1960s. Moreover, while personality affects voting behavior, its influence
on candidate choice is not significantly larger than it was a half-century ago. The results are not contingent on exposure
to television or political awareness and are insensitive to different measures of perceptions of candidate image. The findings
are consistent with the resurgence of partisan voting in American elections and suggest that some concerns about TV’s effects
on political judgment are exaggerated.
相似文献
Danny HayesEmail: |
14.
Josef Gregory Mahoney 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(2):135-166
This work discusses why Marxist vanguard parties require ideology in their struggle to gain and maintain political power.
Despite being considered theoretically inconsistent with classical Marxism and western vernacular, I chart etymologically
how “ideology” came to China and proliferated during the Mao era as a positively framed term via, in all likelihood, Japanese
renderings of Leninism. After discussing ideological challenges under Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin, I explore whether Hu
Jintao’s scientific development and harmony concepts might be understood as ideological campaigns which—by synthesizing Maoist
and Dengist approaches to ideology—effectively address what otherwise be referred to as the Party’s telos problem, and thus resolve in part the threat to the Party’s vanguard claim.
Josef Gregory Mahoney is Assistant Professor of Liberal Studies and East Asian Studies at Grand Valley State University. Recent publications include: “On the Way to Harmony: Marxism, Confucianism, and Hu Jintao’s Hexie Concept” in China in Search of a Harmonious Society, Sujian Guo and Baogang Guo, Eds. (2008); “Rise of China and Pragmatic Marxism,” Political Affairs: The Journal of Marxist Thought (2008); and (with Xiuling Li) “A Marxist Perspective on Chinese Reforms: An Interview with Jiexiong Yi,” in a Science and Society special issue on China (forthcoming 2009). He invites correspondence and can be reached via mahoneyg@gvsu.edu. 相似文献
Josef Gregory MahoneyEmail: |
Josef Gregory Mahoney is Assistant Professor of Liberal Studies and East Asian Studies at Grand Valley State University. Recent publications include: “On the Way to Harmony: Marxism, Confucianism, and Hu Jintao’s Hexie Concept” in China in Search of a Harmonious Society, Sujian Guo and Baogang Guo, Eds. (2008); “Rise of China and Pragmatic Marxism,” Political Affairs: The Journal of Marxist Thought (2008); and (with Xiuling Li) “A Marxist Perspective on Chinese Reforms: An Interview with Jiexiong Yi,” in a Science and Society special issue on China (forthcoming 2009). He invites correspondence and can be reached via mahoneyg@gvsu.edu. 相似文献
15.
Cheryl Boudreau 《Political Behavior》2009,31(2):287-306
Many scholars lament citizens’ lack of political sophistication, while others emphasize that information shortcuts can substitute
for sophistication and help citizens with their political choices. In this paper, I use experiments to assess whether and
under what conditions institutions can substitute for sophistication and enable even unsophisticated citizens to make informed
decisions. The results of my experiments demonstrate that institutions, such as a penalty for lying or a threat of verification,
can help both sophisticated and unsophisticated citizens to make more informed decisions. Further, my results suggest that
institutions may, under certain conditions, level the playing field between sophisticated and unsophisticated citizens.
相似文献
Cheryl BoudreauEmail: |
16.
Alexander Brown 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):435-464
This article considers whether or not there are any global egalitarian rights through a critical examination of the political
philosophy of Ronald Dworkin. Although Dworkin maintains that equal concern is the special and indispensable virtue of sovereigns
and the hallmark of a fraternal political community, it is far from obvious whether the demands of equality stop at state
borders. While some scholars in the field—most notably Thomas Pogge—posit the existence of negative rights in relation to
social and economic inequalities at the global level, here I try to defend the existence of positive global egalitarian rights
by appealing to Dworkin’s own two principles of ethical individualism. I also set out the framework for a version of what
I call global luck egalitarianism based on Dworkin’s equality of resources and try to respond to David Miller’s charge that
comparative principles of justice do not apply at the global level.
相似文献
Alexander BrownEmail: |
17.
Brad K. Blitz 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(1):123-135
In anticipation of Croatia’s accession to the European Union, this article assesses the way in which the state has come to
terms with the Serbian question and the practice of non-discrimination in the justice sector. The first part offers an historical
review of the Serbian question in Croatia and the main laws that discriminated against non-Croats during the war and rule
of President Franjo Tudjman (1991–1999). The second part evaluates the nature of judicial reform in light of the external
demands placed on Croatia to improve relations with the Serbian minority and recent rulings from the European Court of Human
Rights, which have questioned the capacity of the Croatian judiciary to provide an effective remedy in cases of human rights
violations.
相似文献
Brad K. BlitzEmail: |
18.
Jane Freedman 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):413-433
Criticisms have been made against international laws and conventions on asylum and refugees, arguing that these have been
based on a male model of definition, which have ignored women’s persecutions. This article will argue that recent developments
in European asylum policy have the potential to deepen this discrimination and to further reduce the rights of female asylum
seekers. Although there have been some positive developments in jurisprudence that have recognised that gender-specific persecution
may be the basis for granting asylum, these advances remain relatively sporadic and are undermined by the operation of random
and discretionary exercises of power by bureaucrats and decision makers in many cases. Further, although new developments
in asylum policy are in theory “gender neutral,” differences in the material circumstances of men and women who arrive to
seek asylum may mean in effect that the implications of these policies are deeply gendered.
相似文献
Jane FreedmanEmail: |
19.
Sandall’s complaint that the Enlightenment is in danger is not new as it repeats a long standing complaint about “the betrayal
of the intellectuals”. But the danger today is not from either the Muslim world or from the marginalized academics who pursue
an anti-liberal multicultural agenda that belittles the Western liberal tradition. In the United States the menace comes from
the much more powerful far right that has abandoned America’s Enlightenment tradition. It is time for academics to start teaching
students what that tradition is all about, and why it needs to be defended, but spreading fear about weak and divided Muslim
societies is not the way.
相似文献
Daniel ChirotEmail: |
20.
This article offers a thorough analysis of the unintended impact economic sanctions have on political repression—referred
to in this study as the level of the government respect for democratic freedoms and human rights. We argue that economic coercion
is a counterproductive policy tool that reduces the level of political freedoms in sanctioned countries. Instead of coercing
the sanctioned regime into reforming itself, sanctions inadvertently enhance the regime’s coercive capacity and create incentives
for the regime’s leadership to commit political repression. Cross-national time series data support our argument, confirming
that the continued use of economic sanctions (even when aimed at promoting political liberalization and respect for human
rights) will increase the level of political repression. These findings suggest that both scholars and policy makers should
pay more attention to the externalities caused by economic coercion.
相似文献
A. Cooper DruryEmail: |