共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 390 毫秒
1.
Aurelia George 《East Asia》1992,11(4):3-18
The concept of global partnership remains a central theme in the conduct of U.S.-Japan relations in the post-Cold War world.
This article critically evaluates Japan’s performance and potential as a global partner for the United States. It notes the
qualified outcomes to Japan’s extended quest for a world role, its inability to lead by example in world trade and its preference
for international status and contributions as a substitute for international political leadership. On the other hand the article
recognizes the increasing significance of Japan’s human contribution to international peacekeeping, its willingness to tackle
global problems in cooperation with the United States, and its potential to reduce security costs in Asia by means of foreign
aid allocations, increased host-nation support for American forces and by promoting regional security dialogue. The article
highlights Japan’s emerging identity as an Asian power and the problem of diverging U.S. and Japanese perspectives on democracy
in the region. At the same time, it acknowledges the crucial importance Japan attaches to the continued American military
presence in Asia and its desire to insulate the U.S.-Japan security relationship from economic and trade friction. The article
concludes with the observation that Japan’s ability and willingness to operate as a global partner of the United States is
much greater in some areas than in others.
She is the co-author ofThe Political Economy of Agricultural Protection in Northeast Asia: East Asia in International Perspective (Allen and Unwin, 1986). 相似文献
2.
In Northeast Asia, historical legacies, a lack of common identity and great power politics impeded political cooperation and
economic integration. However, China, Japan and South Korea have exhibited a growing interest in political and economic cooperation
since the late 1990s. This article examines how the three Northeast Asian countries have developed political and economic
cooperation by using the concept of ‘multilayered intergovernmentalism’. It argues that despite political tensions between
China and Japan, regional cooperation among China, Japan and South Korea has been promoted by talks and bargains among the
heads of state and government who strengthened incentives for closer cooperation. Moreover, multilayered frameworks formed
at the ASEAN Plus Three (APT) level, through the Track II mechanisms, and in issue-specific areas have provided valuable input
into advancing regional cooperation initiatives. Whereas the APT framework offered incentives and opportunities to exchange
views and information for closer trilateral cooperation, the outcomes of the research at the Track II were incorporated into
the leaders' cooperative initiatives. The existence of issue-specific frameworks stirred talks and negotiations at the summit
level. 相似文献
3.
Bruce M. Koppel 《East Asia》1993,12(3):3-33
Southeast Asia’s recent rapid economic development and the continuing growth of the middle class have both encouraged expectations
about the inevitability of democratic political development. These expectations follow from considerable theorizing in the
United States and Europe, but they may not be well-based on Southeast Asian political, economic, social, or cultural realities.
There are serious democratic forces in Southeast Asia, but in most cases they are in a delicate balance with state, business,
and class interests which may have only limited tolerance for democratic growth. Moreover, serious and persistent patterns
of unequal economic development raise questions about the scope of any political democratization. Finally, the complexity
of democratization issues in Southeast Asia means that outsiders, notably aid donors and foundations, must be very careful
not to set back democratic development in Southeast Asia through well-intended but ill-conceived intervention. 相似文献
4.
Fiona Hill 《East Asia》1995,14(3):3-49
Russian-Japanese relations are frozen in time by their territorial dispute over the Kuril Islands. In untangling the dispute,
scholars have studied the history of Russo-Japanese relations, the USSR’s annexation of the islands in 1945, and the role
of the United States as the USSR’s erstwhile wartime ally and Japan’s postwar partner. The United Kingdom, a key player in
1945, has been neglected in these studies. This article analyzes the evolution of the British position on the Soviet-Japanese
territorial dispute from 1945 to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1956. The article
reveals the marked divergence in this position from that of the United States, proceeding from a disagreement over the interpretation
of the 1945 Yalta Agreement. In addition, the article highlights the manipulation of the territorial dispute by the United
States to further its own political and security objectives and the British reaction to these maneuvers.
Her recent publications includeBack in the USSR: Russia’s Intervention in the Internal Affairs of the Former Soviet Republics and the Implications for United
States Policy Toward Russia (with Pamela Jewett) (John F. Kennedy School of Government, 1994). 相似文献
5.
Wen Lang Li 《East Asia》1993,12(1):59-71
Both global and historical contexts point to the importance of studying ethnic issues in Taiwan. In this article the author
attempts to examine the political conflicts between the immigrants and natives in Taiwan and their resource mobilization strategies.
Statistical findings based on Taiwan’s election outcomes since 1986 are presented. The triangular relationship among the T-KMT,
C-KMT, and DPP are analyzed. It is predicted that the mobilization strategies for the younger generation of immigrants may
go beyond the tradiational political arena.
Wen Lang Li is professor of sociology at Ohio State University and author ofTaiwan’s Population and Social Development (Taiwan Jenkou Yu Shehui Fachan), (Taipei: Tungta Books, 1991), andRethinking the Welfare State (Fuli Shehui di Shengsi), (Taipei, Youth Cultural Enterprises, 1992). 相似文献
6.
Anwesha Dutta 《亚洲研究》2018,50(3):353-374
It has now been well established that forests in South Asia are postcolonial political zones. In Assam, in northeast India this was accomplished through the colonial project of converting jungles into Reserved Forests. Using the politics of dokhol (“to grab or occupy by force”) as an entry point, this article examines the comparative epistemologies of squatting and informality in urban and rural contexts. My intent is to unpack the everyday practice, maintenance, and sustenance of dokhol within the reserved forests of Bodo Territorial Autonomous District. This entails an extension of existing scholarship on formal-informal dichotomies in relation to rural squatters, in particular those on forestland. I do so by combining an ethnographic study of dokhol by rural squatters with three influential strands of critical scholarship on urban squatting, namely Partha Chatterjee’s “political society,” Asaf Bayat’s “quiet encroachment,” and Ananya Roy’s take on planning and deregulation. This article advances the case of rural informalities and opens a dialogue between the two forms of informalities – rural and urban, especially in the context of South Asia. 相似文献
7.
China’s vietnam policy: The road to normalization and prospects for the Sino-Vietnamese relationship
Karen M. Sutter 《East Asia》1993,12(2):21-46
Americans have both underestimated and exaggerated China’s ability to influence developments in Asia. Many saw the normalization
of relations between China and Vietnam in 1991 as a sign of China’s growing regional dominance. This article reexamines the
process of normalization against the background of historical twentieth-century relations in order to present a more balanced
perspective of China’s Vietnam policy. The author examines China’s role at the 1954 Geneva Conference, in 1973 at the Paris
Peace Talks, during the deterioration of relations in the 1970s that culminated in the Sino-Vietnamese border war of 1979,
and finally, along the road to normalization. Understanding that Sino-Vietnamese cooperation depends less on China’s leverage
over Vietnam than on the convergence of interests between the two countries, the author then explores the major issues in
Sino-Vietnamese relations in the 1990s. 相似文献
8.
John M. Peek 《East Asia》1991,10(3):3-15
Points of conflict between the operative law and social practices of Japan, and key UN human rights documents are examined.
Differences are found to be more frequent and fundamental in terms of economic than political rights. The general response
of the Japanese government to these differences has been a defense of prevailing practices. The positions taken by the government
are at times at odds with those of significant segments of the Japanese public. Many of the most disadvantaged of the government’s
opponents have turned to the UN for assistance in gaining recognition of their basic rights. 相似文献
9.
The Chinese central government has identified tourism as an important means of stimulating domestic consumption and transforming
China’s economic development pattern from investment and export-driven to consumption-led. According to the government’s new
plan released in 2009, development of Hainan as an International Tourism Destination has been upgraded to a national strategy.
By critically discussing the western theories on the policy-making process, this paper intends to adopt the case study of
Hainan to specifically analyze its state-initiated plan for regional tourism development. Hainan is the only province in China
to clearly be identified by the government for the development of its tourism into a mainstay industry. It is intended to
become a test zone for China’s tourism reform and innovation and take a lead in development of tourism and associated industries.
The government believes that the tourism sector is a key means of boosting regional economic development and reducing regional
disparities between Hainan and the prosperous eastern provinces. Nevertheless, Hainan still faces serious obstacles to its
goal of becoming a top Asia Pacific holiday destination. A lack of skilled personnel, backward transport network and poor
service standards in tourism and hospitality are persistent and pressing issues. The plan for developing Hainan into an international
tourism destination is unlikely to become a reality in the near future. 相似文献
10.
Ming Wan 《East Asia》1998,16(3-4):137-168
The United States has adopted a high-profile approach to pressure Asian governments to improve human rights and move toward
democracy. Japan, in contrast, has avoided confronting its Asian neighbors over human rights while balancing between Asia
and the West. Japan’s reluctance, in supporting the U.S., except in the multilateral context, has strengthened the position
of Asian nations sanctioned by the West. Japan’s approach is explained by its lack of interests and convictions about promoting
human rights in Asia, its past aggression in the region, the absence of explicit United States pressure on Japan and the deterrent
effect of strong Asian opposition to foreign intervention on human rights.
An earlier version of this article was presented at the International Studies Association Conference in Minneapolis in March
1998. I appreciate Davis Bobrow, Peter Li, Ryo Oshiba and Motoko Shuto for their very useful comments. Any errors in the paper
are of course mine alone. 相似文献
11.
Anastasia Nosova 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2018,45(2):176-193
According to the classic rentier state theory literature, the political activity of Kuwaiti merchants effectively ceased after the government acquired oil rents. More recent works explain business alliances with the government through the competition for resources between the capitalist class and the population at large. This article argues that the merchants’ political position vis-à-vis the ruling powers has not been consistent and has shifted between ‘voice’ and ‘loyalty’. To explain the choice of political action by the Kuwaiti business community the article compares the merchants’ role in two major contentious events—the popular uprising of 2011 and the 1989 pro-democracy movement. Despite the similarities between them, in 1989 prominent business figures were in the vanguard of opposition, while after 2011 they chose to re-emerge as government allies. The comparison suggests that the shift from ‘voice’ to ‘loyalty’ can be explained by the changing political field. I contend that the rise of new social forces and new types of political opposition antagonized business and forced it to side with the government in order to pursue its vital rent-seeking interests. 相似文献
12.
This article sets out to understand the relationship between the complex process of structural change and the proliferating political strategies and programs implemented to manage the process of political and social change. More particularly the authors examine how in the wake of the Asian economic crisis international financial institutions advocated a new global policy through programs such as Social Investment Funds. The thread that runs through the global social policy is a distinctly political project that uses the liberal language of participation and empowerment as a strategy of “antipolitics” that marginalizes political contestation. The authors argue, however, that the antipolitics of technocratic social policy gave way to a more populist form of antipolitics of a new government led by Thaksin Shinawatra. This article examines the nature of governance projects and seeks to explain the shift between them. This new populism may be a precursor to a new “authoritarian statist” mode of political regulation that could come to dominate Southeast Asia, buttressed by the requirements imposed by the “war on terrorism.” 相似文献
13.
Takashi Terada 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2001,47(4):475-489
The Pacific Basin Economic Council (PBEC) was established in 1968 through the initiatives taken by the Japanese and Australian business leaders. This article focuses on the ideas and activities of the Japanese and Australian business leaders in the establishment of PBEC, especially those of Nagano Shigeo and W.R.C. Anderson, both of whom devoted themselves to the establishment of PBEC, while cooperating with each other. The central questions posed are: how and why Nagano and Anderson came to consider it desirable to establish an economic institution in the Asia Pacific region in the mid-1960s; how and why those ideas were refined and transformed into the establishment of PBEC; what approaches business leaders in other countries took towards Pacific cooperation and how the Japanese and Australians adjusted different interests of people in other countries in organising PBEC. Finally, the article assesses the role played by PBEC in the development of economic cooperation in Asia and the Pacific and insists that it should help set up foundations for the subsequent organisations of regional economic institutions such as the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC) and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum. 相似文献
14.
Clark C. Gibson 《Swiss Political Science Review》2000,6(1):87-121
“Messy” democratic political institutions might generate ineffective conservation policy watered down by competing interest groups and rival political parties. A hardcore environmentalist may believe that a pro‐conservation dictatorship would be the type government best able to meet her goals. Such an environmental fantasy became reality in Zambia under President (1972‐1991) Kenneth Kaunda. But despite his dictatorial powers, he did not have much success in curbing the poaching epidemic that swept through Zambia in the 1970s and 80s. The structure of the one‐party state, together with a fall in the price of Zambia's principal export (copper) and a concomitant increase in the value of many wildlife products, created an environment that generated incentives for politicians, bureaucrats, and citizens to disregard Kaunda. This analysis challenges conventional wisdom about the politics of one‐party states. It shows that even in the case of one‐party government, the structure of political institutions remains critical to the extent of a dictator's control. 相似文献
15.
This article analyzes both the domestic and international political factors that affect Japan’s rice trade policy. Based on
the analysis, this article suggests that although Japan will open its rice market soon, the rice trade liberalization is likely
to proceed very slowly and will be accompanied by a temporary surge of nontariff barriers. Domestically, a national coalition
of producers, distributors, nationalists, politicians, bureaucrats, environmentalists, and consumers will delay and distort
any rice trade liberalization program. Internationally, the pressure to further reduce rice trade barriers will decline due
to the controversy over agricultural trade liberalization in the GATT negotiation, the lack of significant political pressure
by politicians and interest groups within the United States, and Japan’s record of trade liberalization, especially in agricultural
trade.
He is the author ofInstitutions and Global Competitiveness (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1994). 相似文献
16.
Farhad Hassan Abdullah 《亚洲事务》2013,44(4):606-624
The Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) possesses many of the traditional hallmarks of political authority and society, such as state institutions (an Executive, Legislature, and Judiciary), political parties, civil society, elections, and local government. Nevertheless, for the past twenty-five years, it has failed to create a unified political system that adheres to a mutually accepted form of government. Political division, in particular, a rivalry between the main parties, has proved to be a real impediment to the political development and stability of the Region.This article argues that there is a relationship between the nature and structure of the political parties, which reflects interests' political views of party leaders, and the political systems that have been proposed as solutions to a lack of political stability in Iraqi Kurdistan. Specifically, it argues that the individual character of the main parties, the PUK and the KDP above all, explains why they favour one system of government over the one advanced by their rival and is the core political dispute in Iraqi Kurdistan currently. Finally, the article concludes by identifying prospective systems of government available the KRI and the potential consequences of each. 相似文献
17.
Robin Studd Lothar Höbelt Christopher Brooks John Cannon A.J. Heesom David Judge 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):83-87
SUMMARY In this article Joseba Agirreazkuenaga continues his account of the development of the Basque political institutions to the period following the settlement of the first Carlist war by the Convention of Bergera in 1839. This laid down a process for incorporating the Basque foral institutions into the framework of the new liberal constitution of the Spanish monarchy. It required negotiations between the Spanish Cortes and Basque representatives, which produced the institution of the Basque Conferencias to speak for the three Basque provinces. Once established these developed into the main institutional voice for the developing Basque national movemebt. By the 1860s the Conferencias had virtually acquired the function of a Basque provincial government. 相似文献
18.
Robert F. Dernberger 《East Asia》1988,7(1):3-21
His publications includeChina’s Development Experience in Comparative Perspective, and, with Allen Whiting,China’s Future. This is a revised version of a paper presented at a conference on “Problems of Peace, Security and Economic Cooperation
in Asia and the Pacific” June 1987, in Beijing, P.R.C. The conference was co-sponsored by the Institute for Sino-Soviet Studies
and the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations, Beijing, P.R.C. 相似文献
19.
Shoichi Itoh 《East Asia》2008,25(1):79-98
This article revisits a conventional interpretation of Sino-Japanese energy relations from geopolitical and zero-sum viewpoints.
Contemporary Sino-Japanese disputes over the East China Sea and their scramble over a crude-oil pipeline from Russia have
drawn global attention to the intensification of the rivalry between the two giant energy consumers. Beijing and Tokyo, however,
have gradually found common interests resulting from business opportunities, environmental countermeasures, etc. Russia’s
failure in driving a wedge between China and Japan, and the United States’ proactive engagement in Asia-Pacific energy issues,
appear to provide new opportunities in which the East Asian powers’ energy rivalry can be reduced.
Shoichi Itoh is an Associate Senior Researcher at the Economic Research Institute for Northeast Asia (ERINA) in Japan, and specializes in energy security, international relations in the Asia-Pacific and Russian foreign policy. Before assuming his current position, he served as a Political and Economic Attaché at the Consulate-General of Japan in Khabarovsk (2000–2003). He serves as an expert and organizer for various domestic and international projects on global energy security. 相似文献
Shoichi ItohEmail: |
Shoichi Itoh is an Associate Senior Researcher at the Economic Research Institute for Northeast Asia (ERINA) in Japan, and specializes in energy security, international relations in the Asia-Pacific and Russian foreign policy. Before assuming his current position, he served as a Political and Economic Attaché at the Consulate-General of Japan in Khabarovsk (2000–2003). He serves as an expert and organizer for various domestic and international projects on global energy security. 相似文献
20.
This paper examines China’s role in the Six-Party Talks, a multilateral initiative with the aim of denuclearising North Korea.
As North Korea’s behaviour has become increasingly provocative, evidenced by the Cheonan and Yeonpyeong Incidents and the
newly unveiled uranium enrichment plant at Yeonbyon, China’s indecision in dealing with the deteriorating situation has dramatically
undermined Beijing’s ability to continue successfully to play the leading mediator role. Yet if China fails to take decisive
action now, the consequences could be dire. Further deterioration in North Korea’s behaviour could trigger a nuclear arms
race, severely hamper regional economic development and even create a geopolitical split in East Asia, leading to a confrontation
between the US, South Korea and Japan acting together on one side, and China, Russia and North Korea aligned on the other.
The factors that have prevented China from making further progress in the diplomatic process are many and various and this
paper will reveal the complexity of the North Korean issue for China. Foreign academics and policy makers have tended to attribute
China’s indecision over North Korea to China putting its own security interests first. But this is far too simplistic a picture
of the complex relationship that China has with North Korea. There are a host of factors at work that need to be taken into
account to understand the present impasse in the diplomatic process. These factors include China’s emotional ties to North
Korea and empathy with its position as the weakest party in the Talks, the conflicting attitudes within the Chinese government
itself towards the North, and the competing interests and lack of trust between the different stakeholders. It seems that
for the foreseeable future, the North Korean issue will continue to plague Chinese foreign policy until all the parties involved
act as a collaborative body to reach a consensus on how to resolve the situation. 相似文献