Viewing a Changing World from the PRC Embassy Window in Washington DC

This is the first chapter from the author's book (in Chinese), The Inside Stories of China-US Diplomacy after Tiananmen . With the benefit of an insider's knowledge, Chen explains the Chinese government's perceptions, motivations and policy-making during this tumultuous period. The book reveals many stories about Deng Xiaoping and other Chinese leaders' thoughts, and policy decisions, as well as the role of the PRC embassy in Washington, in dealing with the United States and the changing world situation; much of these processes remain unknown to the outside world today. A highly renowned political commentator, Chen also makes profound analyses in the book based on his own observations and judgment. It is a path-breaking and unique book on China's foreign policy-making in that critical historical moment, written by an experienced former PRC diplomat. It will be of practical interest to anyone in the US policy community seeking to understand how personalities, perceptions, and institutions interact to produce Chinese foreign policy behavior.     

A Chinese Diplomat's Responsibility and Conscience

This is Chapter 12 of the author's book in Chinese, The Inside Stories of China–US Diplomacy after Tiananmen. As a senior PRC diplomat who experienced the Tiananmen event, Chen makes an insightful background analysis of the process and way of thinking of the Chinese leaders in foreign policy making during that period. The JCC published the first chapter of Chen's book in vol. 11, no. 30, February 2002 and the last chapter of his book in vol. 12, no. 37, November 2003.     

Nationalism,Civilization and Transnational Relations: the discourse of Greater China

This essay examines the interplay between nationalism and foreign policy in China—but with a twist. It seeks to loosen up analytical categories to expand from cultural nationalism to see how civilization constructs identity in national and transnational ways. It examines the limits of Chinese trans/nationalism according to the main Chinese expression of inside/outside—‘civilization/barbarism’—as it constructs Chinese nationalism and Greater China. The purpose is to both critically examine Chinese nationalism and to trace what our focus on the nation-state obscures: namely, transnational politics. Rather than recounting one master narrative of Chinese nationalism, the essay argues that civilization and barbarian define Greater China according to four narratives—nativism, conquest, conversion and diaspora. Hence, the essay does not merely deconstruct the notion of Greater China and Chinese nationalism, but shows how these four grids of meaning can help us to understand identity politics and foreign policy debates in China. Nationalism thus turns from being the Answer about the true intent of China, to being a series of questions which define different terrains of political inquiry.     

《彩票法》立法之必要性及其属性分析

我国自上世纪80年代中期开始发行彩票,在为社会公共事业筹集了大量资金,取得巨大社会效益的同时,彩票的规模越来越大、品种越来越多,可以说彩票市场已经蓬勃发展起来了。但同时,彩票市场也存在着管理混乱、弄虚作假、使用不明等诸多问题。制度的不足是其根本原因。我国目前规范彩票业的规范性文件都是一些行政法规、部门规章。可以说,制定一部系统、全面、完善、操作性强的《彩票法》已经成为了当务之急。本文从《彩票法》立法的必要性及其法律属性方面进行了论述。     

茱迪特·戈蒂耶笔下的李清照

法国女诗人茱迪特·戈蒂耶的《玉书》是最早的法译中国古诗集之一，在当时的法国乃至欧洲产生了极大影响。在这本书中，茱迪特翻译了六首李清照的作品，并在前言中特别介绍了这位中国最杰出的女词人，给予极高评价。她对李清照的解读与译介既富有浓郁的中国古典气息，又进行了独具匠心的改造，两位不同国度的天才女诗人相隔数百年后，在《玉书》中碰面，并产生了新的火花。     

Chen Yun: his life

Chen Yun, one year younger than Deng Xiaoping, was born 100 years ago. For several decades beginning in 1931 when he joined the Central Committee at 26, he was ranked higher in the Party than Deng. Although known as an ‘economist’, Chen played a much broader role, in organization work, high-level Party discipline, urban administration, and basic Party policy. He was the key person to link China and Russia following the Zunyi Conference. He was head of the Organization Department from 1937 to 1943. He pioneered the liberation of urban areas as the leader in Harbin and later in Shenyang. He led the fight to get inflation under control during 1949–1952 and led the organization of the first five year plan. He was one of the most vocal against the leap forward and one of the most instrumental in guiding readjustment afterwards. On many occasions he withdrew from leadership and nourished his health. After 1978, he was the only person who spoke to Deng as an equal. Chen Yun was cautious, believing that progress would come from steady small steps rather than wild leaps. He believed in markets, but felt they should be bounded by plans and in 1978–1981 he helped guide the retrenchment policy that put the economy on a solid base before it began rapid growth.     

The Taiwan Problem in the Second George W. Bush Administration—US officials' views and their implications for US policy

The behavior of Taiwan leaders and people in 2003–2004 raised the salience of Taiwan's assertive movement toward permanent independence for US policy makers. No longer did US officials responsible for assessing cross-Strait relations and their implications for US policy take it for granted that such assertiveness and moves toward independence would be held in check by the mainstream opinion in Taiwan, previously but no longer viewed as pragmatic by US decision makers. In response to the new situation, US policy makers intervened in Taiwan politics, trying to channel Taiwan assertiveness along lines less likely to lead to war with China. US interventions were widely seen to have had a moderating effect on the Taiwan elite and public opinion in the lead-up to the December 2004 legislative election that resulted in a significant setback for President Chen Shui-bian's push toward greater independence. Taiwan's political opposition leaders pursued high-level contacts with China. Chinese leaders warmly welcomed the Taiwan opposition leaders who renounced Taiwan independence. However, Taiwan politics remained sharply divided over cross-Strait issues, with President Chen unwilling to renounce Taiwan independence or accept a version of the so-called one China principle seen by China as a prerequisite for improved relations with the Taiwan government. President Bush and other US officials encouraged both governments to show greater flexibility in order to promote dialogue that would reduce misunderstanding and ease tensions. The uncertain outlook for cross-Strait relations included the possibility of talks, improved relations, and agreements on managing cross-Strait tensions between the Taiwan and Chinese governments. On the other hand, the impasse between China and Taiwan could deepen. The Bush administration appeared to have settled on a policy that endeavored to deter China from using force against Taiwan and deter Taiwan from taking provocative steps toward independence. The main alternatives to this approach seemed less acceptable to US policy makers under prevailing conditions, suggesting that US policy is likely to persist with a dual deterrence policy for the rest of President Bush's term in office.     

延安时期陈云对马克思主义时代化的探索与贡献

延安时期陈云对马克思主义时代化做出了艰辛探索。陈云对马克思主义进行中国化和大众化探索的同时,始终坚持适应时代需要、把握时代脉搏;始终坚持回答时代课题、关照现实世界;始终坚持加强理论创新、坚持与时俱进。从思想理论到革命实践方面对马克思主义化的中国革命事业做出了卓越贡献。     

China and the Globalisation of IR Theory: Discussion of 'Building International Relations Theory with Chinese Characteristics'

This essay examines current developments in International Relations theory in China. First it comments on Song Xinning's essay, agreeing that IR theory in China is limited by ideology, the dominance of policy-oriented research, and the state. But rather than seeing culture ('IR theory with Chinese characteristics') as a problem that can be solved by a more scientific approach to IR theory, the essay argues that the scientism of realism and IPE has similar problems. Thus the essay switches from the universals of science to the contingency of interpretation to understand global politics, drawing on recent books which combine IPE with historical and cultural studies. The concept of sovereignty is deconstructed to show how it is not universal, but is bound up in knowledge practices in both the West and China. The essay concludes by suggesting that we broaden both the concepts and the resources of IR research to consider the transnational economic‐cultural relations of Greater China. In this way China can be part of the globalization of IR theory, for such concepts exemplify current theoretical debates about the meaning of globalization. This approach moves from territorial notions of sovereignty where power is based on an expansion of economic and political relations—which reify borders—to popular notions of sovereignty where power is measured by movements of people across borders in a qualitative struggle of cultures and knowledge.     

History,Tradition and the China Dream: socialist modernization in the World of Great Harmony

How will China influence world politics in the twenty-first century? Many people answer this question by looking to Chinese history, and particularly to traditional models of Chinese world order. This essay seeks to complicate this question by asking which history, and which tradition? While it is common to look at China's pre-modern history as ‘tradition’, this essay argues that we also need to appreciate how ‘socialism’ is treated as a tradition alongside Chinese civilization. It does this by examining how China's public intellectuals appeal to two seemingly odd sources: Mao Zedong's 1956 speech ‘Strengthen Party Unity and Carry Forward Party Traditions’, and the ‘Great Harmony’ passage from the two millennia-old Book of Rites. It will argue that these two passages are employed as a way of salvaging socialism; the ideological transition thus is not from communism to nationalism, but to a curious combination of socialism and Chinese civilization. This new socialist/civilization dynamic integrates equality and hierarchy into a new form of statism, which is involved in a global competition of social models. Or to put it another way, what these two passages have in common is not necessarily a positive ideal, but a common enemy: liberalism, the West and the United States.     

《崇陵传信录》的真实成书时间及相关问题

《崇陵传信录》是常被有关论著征引的一部著名私家笔记。长期以来,人们一直认其成书时间在满清退位以前,所据为恽毓鼎在本书的＂弁言＂后署时＂宣统三年辛亥四月＂。其实,这是恽毓鼎的故弄玄虚。真实情况是,该书于1912年8月6日开笔,随即又搁置下来,直至次年9月22日才脱稿。此中原委,今借助恽毓鼎《澄斋日记》的有关记录得以弄清楚。另外,梁启超、罗惇融、饶智元等人与该书在有关报刊的连载及一次性全文发表均有关系,但长期以来鲜有提及者。     

在美国中国总商会成立15周年暨2020年农历新年晚宴上的讲话

尊敬的徐辰会长,女士们,先生们,朋友们:晚上好!很高兴应邀出席庆祝美国中国总商会成立15周年暨2020年农历新年晚宴。在这个辞旧迎新的时刻,我首先向在座的两国各界朋友们致以新春祝福:恭喜发财、鼠年吉祥!     

New Migrants and the Revival of Overseas Chinese Nationalism

Emerging at the turn of the twentieth century, overseas Chinese nationalism played an important part in the evolution of the overseas Chinese community and modern history of China. It is generally held that overseas Chinese nationalism had died out and had become ‘a historical phenomenon’ by the 1950s, when the China-centered allegiance of the overseas Chinese was replaced by a local-oriented identity. The fundamental change of the Chinese diasporic communities over the last two decades, however, has put this conventional wisdom into contestation. This essay is concerned with the emergence of the xin yinmin (new migrants) and corresponding manifestations of a reviving overseas Chinese nationalism since 1980. It is divided into two main parts. The first is empirical, examining the rise and characteristics of the new migrants, who are composed of four main types: students-turned-migrants, emigrating professionals, chain migrants, and illegal immigrants. The second section is conceptual and comparative, looking at the manifestations and limitations of the reviving overseas Chinese nationalism and placing them in a historical perspective. It also considers the embedded tensions between nationalism and transnationalism and the strategies employed by both the Chinese state and new migrants in tackling these tensions. I argue that there are complex reasons behind the re-emergence of overseas Chinese nationalism. From overseas, it is a by-product of the formation of sizeable new migrant communities, particularly in the West. As the first-generation immigrants who have extensive links with the homeland, they remain culturally, and often, politically, attached to China (as a nation-state and/or site of transnational imaginary) and are concerned greatly with Chinese matters. Through such intermediaries as Chinese-language newspapers, websites and TV programs, they form a borderless and imagined greater China that is bound by both the ideas of sovereignty and transnational culture. From the mainland, a series of policies relating to the Chinese overseas facilitate the connections between China and its population overseas, thus providing a potential ground for the revival of overseas Chinese nationalism. I argue that the key agendas of this reviving overseas Chinese nationalism are China's economic prosperity, cultural regeneration, and national unification. This nationalism, furthermore, is characterized by its reactive nature and embedded contradictions with the simultaneous process of transnationalism, which in turn reduces the centrality and intensity of nationalism. As a result, it is unlikely to constitute a unified ideology or a movement with centralized leadership such as that in the 1930s.     

“新与旧、公与私、理与时、情与势”中的人——试探李准1954-1955年(合作化高潮前)的小说创作

本文聚焦于作家李准的早期创作(1954年到1955年7月合作化高潮前),追踪李准如何观察互助合作过程所引发的农民在价值观念、心理、意识、情感、家庭关系等方面的变化状态,深入分析他围绕互助合作的动员组织方式、个人与集体关系、集体形成路径、新的家庭关系与乡村日常生活状态等主题所展开的观察和把握的具体意涵。文章进而揭示,李准的体察突破了惯常的"阶级"视角,有助于我们突破相关历史表述及其逻辑重新认识那一段历史中经验的真实意涵,同时使我们得以在更为丰富的维度中思考20世纪50年代合作化进程中集体与个人、公与私、情与理等重要问题。文章还将思考李准当年这些观察和理解对我们今天认识中国乡村社会和农民的启发意义。     

Returnees and their Political Impact: evidence from returned students and trainees from the Soviet Union in China, 1950–1966

This paper will study one of the unique population movements in modern history: the circular movement of students and trainees between China and the Soviet Union from 1950 to 1966. This population movement includes more than 38,000 Chinese who were trained by the leading Soviet Union industrial enterprises, research centers and institutions of higher learning. These returned students and trainees from the Soviet Union captured a considerable number of prominent positions in the Chinese leadership from the 1980s to the 1990s. The explanation of their political impact relies on the domestic country's politics and international context.     

中日两国女学交流起点新探--以成濑仁藏《女子教育论》的著译流传为中心

十九、二十世纪之交,日本教育家成濑仁藏完成并出版《女子教育论》,掀起了日本女子高等教育的革新运动。不久,该书被中国学人译成中文,推动了中国女子教育近代化的起步。该书的著译、流传,凸显了美国-日本-中国的女子教育传播格局。但是,该书曾形成的中日女学交流起点的作用,竟然在其后的历史进程中被两国学界同时淡忘。文章尝试将历史考证方法和跨国视角相结合,在重新唤醒这段历史记忆的基础上,重建面向未来的两国女学发展脉络。     

从群众政治运动到公民政治参与——党执政以来领导我国社会主义民主政治建设的路径转换

我国社会主义民主政治建设，历经了群众运动、不搞运动和公民政治参与三个历史阶段，民主政治建设的总体走势，从自上而下的动员“群众”到自下而上的“公民”自治，从运动性的“大民主”走向建设性的有序参与，从突击式的民主“跃进”走向稳步推进的民主建设，从行政主体的“权力操控”走向官民互动的“民主恳谈”。外部压力与内生动力、技术推力与精神动力的有机整合，有力地促进了我国社会主义民主政治的发展。     

20世纪50年代的台湾文学场域与媒介

20世纪50年代的台湾文学前承光复后台湾文学的转折,后启60年代文学的兴盛。此时期文学杂志的“民营”状况,副刊非一统的存在状态,都悄然改变了权力场和文学生产场之间的单一支配关系,使控制文学场域的合法逻辑出现了裂隙,并使得作者、编者、读者的性情最大程度地影响文学生产。此种历史境遇中的文学传播,使政治高压下的20世纪50年代仍能涌动起多种文学思潮,也使台湾文学的乡土性、本土性得以延续、流布。20世纪50年代的台湾文学不应在意识形态层面上被看做文学的断裂。     

母爱缺失对梅娘小说创作的影响

梅娘（原名孙嘉瑞,笔名敏子、孙敏子、柳青娘、云凤、孙翔等）是活跃在上个世纪三、四十年代华北东北沦陷区的著名小说家。梅娘的小说创作,从自身的成长经历和情感体验出发进行着飘离政治的叙述。幼年丧母、缺少母爱的童年对梅娘小说创作的影响非常显著。     

Moving Beyond Sovereignty? A brief consideration of recent changes in China's approach to international order and the emergence of the tianxia concept

This article examines recent trends in the evolution of elite Chinese foreign policy discussions about the normative organizing principles that should ground contemporary international politics. It finds that a pragmatic emphasis on sovereignty, albeit as a right which is flexible and far from sacrosanct, still maintains a core position within Chinese thinking in this regard. However, at the same time, a surprising reconstitution of an old world view has begun to take shape in China. More specifically, the tianxia (all-under-heaven) concept has emerged as a new reference point for some Chinese deliberations on the normative structure of international relations. While such a perspective is still of secondary importance within Chinese international relations circles, its emergence suggests that a potentially far-reaching, if still inchoate, reconsideration of international order is underway in China. Moreover, such a development may have broad ranging implications for the security dynamic that takes shape in Asia in the coming years.