党的建设科学化的历史、现实与前瞻

党的十七届四中全会提出了党的建设科学化这一重大命题和重大任务,标志着我们党对党的建设规律的认识进一步升华。提高党的建设科学化水平,既是时代发展对党的建设的客观要求,也是对党的建设历史经验的系统总结和科学概括。新时期加强党的建设,必须整体认识党的建设科学化的历史经验和现实要求,把握党的建设的科学规律,切实提高党的建设的科学化水平。     

毛泽东对党的建设科学化的历史贡献

毛泽东把握党的建设规律,以科学理论指导党的建设、以科学方法推进党的建设、以科学制度保障党的建设,奠定了党建科学化的逻辑起点。在毛泽东建党学说中,确立马克思主义指导地位,为党的建设科学化提供理论武装;确定党的核心价值,为党的建设科学化提供实践取向;总结＂三大优良作风＂作为工作路线与方针,为党的建设科学化提供路径选择;建构民主集中制和从严治党的发展机制,为党的建设科学化提供制度保障。     

论党的建设科学化实践历史经验的传承与创新——兼析非科学化的思想表现

一部中国共产党史就是党的建设史。历史实践表明,党的建设既有成功的经验,也经历过非科学化的曲折。科学化探索早就存在于党的建设实践之中,但自觉地去认识它,明确地形成科学化的思想取向,表明了党对马克思主义先进政党建设规律从必然王国到自由王国的认识飞跃。党的建设追求科学化就必须克服非科学化。教条主义、经验主义、形式主义、理想主义、思维定式是党的建设历史实践中非科学化的思想表现。党的建设实践的发展是科学化与非科学化两种思想取向的博弈过程,党的建设科学化水平是在剔除非科学化思想和抵制非科学化行为的自觉中不断提高的。总结党的建设历史经验给现实留下的启示是:在创新中传承党的建设历史经验,在传承中创新党的建设现实经验,合乎党的建设科学化的逻辑。     

十六大以来党建科学化思想的形成及其意义

提高党的建设科学化水平思想的形成,是党的建设深入推进的结晶.中共十六大以来,党的建设布局从三大建设发展为“五位一体”,从加强党的执政能力建设延伸到保持和发展党的先进性、创建先进党组织和争当优秀共产党员等活动,从平面推进到逐渐形成突出重点,以点带面,整体推进党的建设发展思路,是党建科学化思想形成的实践基础.党的建设科学化思想的形成,从党的建设价值取向、党的建设立足基础、党的建设理论体系、党的建设路径等方面,对丰富和发展马克思主义党建学说作出了贡献.     

建立党的建设科学化的评价体系

党的建设科学化是党的十七届四中全会在长期执政、市场经济和全方位改革开放历史条件下提出的重大命题和重要任务。那么,如何理解党的建设科学化,特别是对党的建设科学化水平作出客观的评价,这是党的建设科学化绕不过去的问题。甚至可以说,只有建立党的建设科学化水平的评价体系,才能使推进党的建设科学化的实践有更加明确的方向和目标。     

建立党的建设科学化的评价体系

党的建设科学化是党的十七届四中全会在长期执政、市场经济和全方位改革开放历史条件下提出的重大命题和重要任务.那么,如何理解党的建设科学化,特别是对党的建设科学化水平作出客观的评价,这是党的建设科学化绕不过去的问题.甚至可以说,只有建立党的建设科学化水平的评价体系,才能使推进党的建设科学化的实践有更加明确的方向和目标.     

党的建设科学化的评价标准

常的建设科学化的评价标准就是表明党的建设中应该重视什么、忽视什么，引领着党的建设前进的方向。严格说来，党的建设科学化涉及党的建设的方方面面，每个具体的方面都有对应的评价标准。以什么样的标准来评价党的建设科学与否，本身是一个仁者见仁智者见智的问题。从党的建设全局来看，笔者认为党的建设科学化的评价标准，     

关于加强和改进机关党建问题的思考

机关党的建设是党的基层组织建设的重要环节,是党的建设新的伟大工程的重要组成部分。随着形势和任务的变化,机关党的建设工作面临着诸多新情况、新问题。机关党的建设工作成效如何,直接影响到党的执政能力和领导水平。从加强和改进机关党的建设问题入手,强调了加强和改进机关党的建设的重要性,指出和分析了当前机关党的建设存在的问题和原因,阐述了加强和改进机关党建工作的路径选择。     

汲取执政党建设的伟大历史经验 提高新时期党的建设科学化水平

提高党的建设科学化过程,也是一个认识规律、发现规律、运用规律的过程。要坚持以科学理论指导党的建设,以科学制度保障党的建设,以科学方法推进党的建设。     

新时代党的建设质量管理的深刻意蕴

正党的十九大提出了不断提高党的建设质量的重大任务和新时代党的建设总要求。提高党的建设质量需要加强党的建设质量管理。党的建设质量管理是中国共产党以先进性和纯洁性为核心,运用科学严密高效的质量管理方法提高党的建设品质的管理实践活动。党的建设质量管理具有把人民利益摆在至高无上地位的价值意蕴、满足人民日益增长的美好     

Looking for a Jurisdiction for Somali Pirates

One of the surprising things about the resurgence of piracy in the Gulf of Aden is that there is not yet a clear standard of conduct when suspected pirates are eventually caught. There are many cases in which pirates have been released by the military navies that arrested them and other cases of excessive use of force. This article addresses the possibility of providing a fair trial to suspected pirates, also on the ground of new developments in establishing dedicated courts in states of the region. Judging suspected pirates presents a variety of problems associated to evidence collection, availability of witnesses and national laws to be applied. In spite of these difficulties, Western powers, which have invested so much in patrolling the Indian Ocean with their navies, have so far been unexpectedly reluctant to provide fair trials.     

Reporting for sale: the market for news coverage

This paper proposes a formal model of the market for political news. Under reasonable market conditions and when the audience has psychological biases, it may be profitable for outlets to differentiate their coverage. Moreover, the implications of the model speak to a deeper impact of political polarization of the electorate.     

Incentives for separation and incentives for public good provision

In this paper, I examine how the incentives of regions to unite and to separate are related to the incentives to provide public goods. Separation allows for greater influence over the nature of political decision making while unification allows regions to exploit economies of scale in the provision of public goods. From a social welfare perspective, there are excessive incentives for separation and for the provision of public goods. When incentives for public good provision are not taken into account, however, these incentives can be misinterpreted as incentives for separation.     

Governing for the Mainstream: Implications for Community Representation

In this paper I begin by examining the role of extra-parliamentary institutions of representation within Australian democracy. I suggest that such institutions are an important supplement to majoritarian political institutions in ensuring that 'weak voices' are heard in the policy process. I then look at the impact of the Howard government on such extra parliamentary forms of community representation, drawing parallels with contemporaneous developments in Canada. I find that changes were in fact initiated under Labor governments, seeking to impose managerialist models on community-based representation. The further controls introduced by the Howard government have, however, seriously reduced the capacity of community-based peak bodies to represent their constituencies. These constraints create the danger of a less inclusive democracy, where the voices of those outside the mainstream can be ignored or misrepresented.