五四知识分子与劳工问题——基于《晨报副刊》的研究

"五四运动"后,工人阶级作为一股新兴的政治力量登上历史舞台,劳工问题越来越成为中国知识分子群体关注的重要对象。五四时期北京著名的《晨报副刊》在马克思主义知识分子的引领下,首开风气最早在国内报纸上创办"五一劳动节"纪念专号讨论劳工问题,关注中国的劳苦大众,发表了许多关于劳工问题的研究和探讨,反映了二十年代知识分子对中国劳工问题的关切。     

中国近现代知识分子的不成熟性

张宁认为,近现代中国的知识分子具有几点不成熟性: ①接受西方各类思想学说的不成熟性。五四运动前后,专制制度的腐败堕落与西方民主启蒙思想的迎面相撞,促成了当时新一代知识分子民主自由意识的猛醒,他们迫不急待地以这些思想作武器。     

也谈“五四”运动领导者及性质——对传统观点的挑战

这似乎是一个无可非议的问题,我们的历史教科书和历史词典都是这样写着:五四运动是由具有初步共产主义思想的知识分子推动和领导的,五四运动是新民主主义革命的开端。但是,这样一来,资产阶级革命民主派在五四运动中的地位和作用被抹杀了。 主张五四运动由具有初步共产主义思想的知识分子推动和领导,属于新民主义革命范畴的观点,当然有其一些理由(如《理论探讨》1987年第5期刘云久的文章),但我们认为这些理由并非充分。五四运动的真正推动和领导者应该是以孙中山为首的资产阶     

开启新时代的先声——北京新文化运动纪念馆

<正>新文化运动是20世纪早期中国文化界一部分先进知识分子发起的一次革新运动。新文化运动倡导者发动的这场思想启蒙运动,揭露和抨击吃人的封建礼教,高举民主与科学旗帜,反对专制统治和迷信盲从,主张"独立人格"与"平等人权"的新道德,使人们从封建思想的束缚解放出来,影响深远,使这一运动成为五四运动的先导。     

五四精神培育当代青年的信念、创新、使命——学习习近平总书记在纪念五四运动100周年大会上的讲话

五四运动,爆发于民族危难之际,是一场以先进青年知识分子为先锋、广大人民群众参加的彻底反帝反封建的伟大爱国革命运动。五四运动孕育了内涵丰富的五四精神,这些精神随着时代的发展,被赋予不同的意义。100年前,青年是五四运动的急先锋和主力军。100年后的今天,中国特色社会主义事业正在蓬勃发展,时代赋予当代青年更加艰巨的历史重任。新时期,走进五四,学习五四精神,对当代青年树立与时代主题同心同向的理想信念、追求创新以及担当民族复兴大任都具有重要意义。     

五四运动与对社会主义的认识

社会主义在中国的传播已有百年的历程。其中,五四时期对社会主义的认识具有突出的作用。五四运动空前地促进了社会主义的传播,有力地提高了人们对社会主义的认识。经过五四运动,向往俄国革命并已初步具有共产主义信念的先进知识分子,加快了对社会主义的研究和宣传,从而对社会主义作出了决定性的选择,这对于中国此后革命的发展具有重大而深远的意义。     

试论五四时期具有初步共产主义思想的知识分子的地位和作用

毛泽东同志说:“五四运动时期虽然还没有中国共产竞,但是已经有了大批的赞成俄国革命的具有初步共产主义思想的知识分子”。这批具有初步共产主义思想的知识分子队伍是在革命斗争的实践中,在马克思主义传播的过程中逐步形成的。其主要代表人物和成员有李大钊、邓中夏、高君宇、黄日葵、瞿秋白、董必武、陈潭秋、毛泽东、     

当代知识分子成长道路的时代内涵及其特点

当代知识分子在新的历史条件下走什么样的成长道路，不仅关系到广大知识分子能否健康成长，而且关系到社会主义现代化事业的成败。深入探讨当代知识分子成长道路的时代内涵及其特点，对于正确引导知识分子与实践、与工农相结合，深入贯彻科技兴国战略，具有十分重要的意义。一、知识分子成长道路的时代内涵坚持与实践、与工农相结合是五四运动以来我国先进知识分子探索和走出的一条正确的成长道路。中国共产党人及时总结和揭示了先进知识分子成长的共同经验和普遍规律，提出了知识分子成长道路的理论，为我国知识分子的成长指明了正确的方向…     

五四运动是实现中国梦的重要里程碑

从五四运动视角来理解中国梦,得出的结论:五四运动是实现中国梦的重要里程碑。这一命题包括以下内涵:五四运动的政治本质是爱国救亡,是实现民族独立梦的里程碑;五四运动的文化价值是思想启蒙,是延续现代化梦想的里程碑;五四运动的历史成果是道路抉择,是开启中国梦的里程碑。     

周建老留给我们的家风

<正>周建老的一生经历了中国翻天覆地变革的一个世纪。他经历过辛亥革命、五四运动、抗日战争、解放战争,新中国建设的各个历史时期。他和同时代的知识分子一样,从热爱祖国人民、热爱人类进步的理想出发,选择了一条艰难的革命道路。辛亥革命时期,他就和鲁迅一道迎接绍兴的光复;大革命时期,瞿秋白和鲁迅成为莫逆之交,周建老为中国共产党与鲁迅的联系传书递简;他参加赤色济难会、中国民权保障同盟、中国自由运动大同盟,反对国民党政府     

科学与人文的再思考——从科玄论战谈起

五四期间思想争鸣,西方科学与民主的思想在中国广泛传播。此时,出现了一场"科学与玄学"的大辩论,各方思想观点激烈碰撞,促进了人们认识的升华。本文旨在通过述评这场论战,倡导运用唯物史观融合西方科学思想与东方人文文化。     

Scar Literature reconsidered: Yan Geling's novels The Criminal Lu Yanshi and A Woman's Epic

This paper reconsiders the political dynamics, social disorder, and personal traumas endured during China's socialist revolutionary times by examining the Chinese American writer Yan Geling's (b. 1958) two Scar Literature novels, The Criminal Lu Yanshi (Lufan Yanshi, 2011) and A Woman's Epic (Yige nuren de shishi, 2006). Employing Hannah Arendt's theory on totalitarianism, this paper investigates how Mao's authoritarian rule transmutes Chinese society into an atomized and individualized society. It will reveal how this totalitarian rule over the Chinese intellectuals, by the brutal use of the re-education system, succeeded in isolating them, which then led to intense feelings of solitude. The objective of this paper is to undo and rectify the historical and cultural “memory loss” caused by the current trend of depoliticizing, commercializing, and sensualizing the socialist revolutionary memories as demonstrated by the televisual postmodern repackaging of the Maoist past to be found in the mediasphere of present-day China, which forgets the horrors of the Cultural Revolution as crimes against the Chinese people.     

绝望的抗争 别样的复仇——解析《孤独者》中的魏连殳形象

五四时期先进知识分子经历了由呐喊到彷徨的情感历程,鲁迅笔下的魏连殳就是这样一个典型,文章通过对该人物思想变化的剖析,借以展示当时知识分子的生存状况。     

'Fundamentalism', modernity and the new Jacobins

This paper offers an interpretaion of 'Islamic fundamentalism', especially the Iranian Revolution, in the context of sociological debates about 'modernity'. The problematic nature of both these terms is acknowledge. It criticizes explanations of 'fundamentalism' that begin from the assumption of a dichotomy between fundamentalism and modernity, arguing instead for a more nuanced understanding of both Islamic revivalism and the modern. The paper begins by offering a model of modernity as a set of bi-modal tensions within which Islamic 'fundamentalism' could be understood as a form of modernist revolutionary populism. This argument is then developed through a comparison betwen the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the Jacobin phase of the French Revolution. It argues that there are parallels between the idea of Islamic revolution and the Jacobin revolutionary imagination, which demonstrate with some observations on Islam, and the closure of the Jacobin revolutionary project.     

延安知识分子群体的内涵及基本特征

准确把握延安知识分子群体的内涵及基本特征是进一步研究该群体的前提和基础。延安知识分子群体是指20世纪30年代中期至40年代初到过延安,以救国的革命理想为指导,并最终接受了中国共产党革命意识形态的知识分子的集合体。其基本特征是:来源面广,背景复杂;知识层次高,聚集了一批专家、学者;思想上接受了马克思主义、毛泽东思想的指导;初步实现了与工农结合以及由小资产阶级知识分子到无产阶级知识分子的转变;实现了延安各界知识分子的团结。     

五四青年教育探析——新文化运动倡导者的青年教育特点

在五四爱国运动中发挥了重要作用的五四青年的成长,离不开新文化运动倡导者的教育培养。新文化运动倡导者在五四青年教育实践中,体现出:充分信任青年,寄希望于青年,重视实现青年价值;以平等对话的方式,导引知识,启发青年思考,帮助青年认识真理、发现真理,重视唤起青年自觉;鼓励青年积极作为,热情支持青年行动,身先士卒,重视引领青年践行等三个方面的特点。     

The modern revolutions of Iran: Civil society and state in the modernization process

This paper concerns two major transformations in the modern history of Iran: the Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1909 and the Islamic Revolution of 1977–1979. It focuses on the interplay of clergy, bazaris and state in making the two modern revolutions if Iran. The paper addresses a core question: why the clergy did not take political power in the Constitutional Revolution when Iran was a traditional society, yet succeed in doing so in a modern Iran (1977–1979)? It concerns largely questions of continuity and change of social institutions during a period of rapid authoritative modernization that significantly influenced the constellation of power between civil society and state} As a result of rapid modernization, traditional civil society, which was based on strong ties between the Shi'i clergy and the bazaris, drastically change and marginalized. Modern socio‐economic and administrative developments and the creation of new social groups, in turn, contributed to the formation of a modern civil society which periodically played a significant role in the political life of Iran. Socio‐economic changes brought about by Pahlavi Shahs’ (1924–1979) through rapid and authoritative modernization created new urban social groups who became important factors in making the Islamic Revolution of 1977–1979. In particular, the urban marginal groups, ‘the dispossessed’, engaged infrequent confrontations with authorities, and provided the radical clergy with a ‘social army’ for revolutionary mobilization and dominant influence.     

The 'Advance Without Authority': Post-modernism, Libertarian Socialism, and Intellectuals

The eclipse of socialist statism and the advent of post-modernism have generated important questions about the role and future of left intellectuals, political organisation and theory. Socialist statism's vanguardism, elitism, scientism and substitutionism have been thoroughly discredited. The advent of post-modernism is one signal of this. The post-modern rejection of universalism, its critique of representation and its emphasis on situatedness provide a challenge to emancipatory thought. However, post-modernism's suspension of judgement, relativism and—most importantly—rejection of universalism is not a coherent emancipatory alternative. A more fruitful way of answering questions about intellectuals and political organisation is to examine the broad libertarian socialist tradition. At various times, thinkers within this political field have managed to steer a path between vanguardism and revolutionary waiting, between scientism and theoretical randomisation, advancing without authority to organise and theorise towards a radically democratic social order beyond state and capital.     

新四军廉政教育实践及其经验

新四军高度重视廉政教育,利用会议、整训、整风运动,依托教导团、党校、抗大,通过报刊、文艺演出等开展廉政教育。领导重视、率先垂范,组织健全、严格制度,重视人才、尊重知识,是新四军廉政教育取得实效的保证,对当前的廉政教育也有着重要的借鉴意义。     

The Kuomintang's secret service in action in South China: operational and political aspects of the arrest of Liao Chengzhi (1942)

The arrest in May 1942 of Liao Chengzhi – a CCP spy chief as well as the son of a celebrated KMT elder assassinated in 1925 – is considered a Big Case in China. Using the original KMT case file on Liao Chengzhi, van de Ven describes how the KMT's secret service turned the Jiangxi Provincial Committee and then arrested leading members of the CCP in south China and thereby eliminated its organization there. The article further uses letters by prominent CCP and KMT personalities involved in the case to suggest the existence of a revolutionary aristocracy bound by personal relations and with an elite code of conduct. When the political will was present, members of this elite deployed their personal connections in the search for solutions to complex political problems.