Boko Haram and the discourse of mimicry: a critical discourse analysis of media explanations for Boko Haram’s improved video propaganda quality

The Nigeria-based violent non-state actor Boko Haram is increasingly reported on in the news media in relation to the Islamic State, another, more prominent, violent non-state actor. In particular, these comparisons have been drawn within the context of reports on Boko Haram’s recent improvement in video propaganda quality. While the associations with the Islamic State are often warranted, there are broader social consequences when colonial power relations are brought into play. Borrowing an approach from critical discourse analysis, 16 online English-language news articles were read through a postcolonial lens in order to analyse the structural relations of dominance that arise when discussing African non-state actors. The analysis revealed that among the corpus of articles, nine developed a discourse of mimicry, which serves to deny Boko Haram full agency, relegate them to a silenced subaltern status, and ultimately to diminish the sense of threat posed to the dominant geopolitical security paradigm.     

A Review of the Obama Administration’s Taiwan Policy

Since May 2008, relations across the Taiwan Strait have experienced a ＇historical turning point. The two sides of the strait have tided over a ＂high-risk＂ period and embarked upon a path of peaceful development and benign interaction. When the Obama administration came to power in January 2009, the new situation in cross-straits relations had already taken hold. By then,     

On the Mechanism of the Internet’s Impacts on International Politics

The Internet expands the field for international politics. It unveils its inner operational logic by exerting its influence on international politics. The Internet, by either guiding or negating the conducts of actors through its own unique innate quality, forces these actors to obey its inherent laws so as to better maintain their own interests. Firstly, this paper attempts to reveal, through level analysis, how the Internet made an impact on international politics, namely by the route of the individual, state and international system. Secondly, taking state interest, power and security as the core of Internet’s action on international politics, it demonstrates that there is no absolute Internet freedom and that the interests and security of the state come before all. The third part of the paper illustrates the catalytical, synchronical and constructional role of the Internet in promoting the transition of international structure. As an information medium, the Internet helps promote changes in international politics. As an advanced technology, it helps international politics constantly identify itself with the development of the times. The all-inclusive interactive communication following the advent of microblogs and Social Networking Services (SNS) helps provide conditions in which international society is evolving itself into a world society in the world of Internet.     

A Reappraisal of the EU’s Expanding Readmission System

Readmission is not simply a means of removing undesirable foreigners through coercive methods. When viewed as a way of ensuring the temporary stay of foreign workers in the labour markets of European destination countries, readmission may also impact on the participatory rights of a growing number of native workers facing equally temporary (and precarious) labour conditions, in a context marked by employment deregulation and wage flexibility. These implications have clear democratic significance. A new analytical perspective applied to the expansion and development of the readmission system, is aimed at promoting a reflection on an unexplored research area bridging the gap between labour migration regulation and labour market deregulation.     

Evidence of securitisation in the economic sector of security in Europe? Russia’s economic blackmail of Ukraine and the EU’s conditional bailout of Cyprus

Although the Copenhagen school’s securitisation theory and their sectoral analysis are integral parts of European security studies, the school’s economic sector of security has almost been completely ignored. In this article I examine why this is, and whether it makes sense to retain this sector. In the process I flesh out the logic of securitisation in the economic sector. I suggest that one reason why the economic sector of security has been neglected is that real life examples fitting the Copenhagen school’s logic of security as the exception have – in this sector – remained outstanding. Research in other sectors of security has shown however that securitisation does not need to include extraordinary countermeasures; instead it can play out below the level of the exception. Using alternative formulations developed in securitisation studies that relax the threshold for the success of securitisation, I attempt to locate evidence of economic securitisation by looking at two empirical cases. 1) Russia’s economic blackmail of Ukraine at the start of that country’s ongoing crisis. 2) The EU’s conditional bailout of Cyprus during the Eurozone crisis which necessitated capital controls. On the basis of the empirical evidence gathered I conclude by arguing the case for the economic sector of security.     

Thinking on the Theory of "China’s Century"

As China’s economy and global influence increase,its international relations are quickly changing.As more credence is given to predictions of a"China Century"to follow the"American Century,"interest is also increasing in the adjustments China is making to its strategic diplomacy as it prepares to take the first chair from the United States.The conceptual innovation in China’s diplomacy in 2014 is a significant harbinger in the eyes of many as to how this China Century will shape up.While China’s new diplomacy is praised,opinion differs on its future intentions.After a series of proposals were put forward at summit meetings of CICA(Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in     

A Few Characteristics of China-Africa People’s Exchanges Reflected by the Second China-Africa People’s Forum

The second China-Africa People’s Forum (hereinafter referred to as the Forum) was held from July 10th to 11th in Suzhou, China. The Forum takes "People’s Voice, People’s Friendship and Cooperation for the People" as its theme. Chinese Vice-President Xi Jinping attended the forum and delivered a keynote speech titled "Promoting New Development of the New-Type of China-Africa     

Explaining the European commission’s strategies in times of crisis

Despite the growing debate over the European Commission’s (hereafter, Commission) role in crises, there are few systematic explanations for the variety of actions undertaken by the Commission in times of crisis. This article outlines a heuristic device to explain the Commission’s actions during crises, based on the variables ‘Commission mandate’ and ‘member state engagement’. To this end, it examines two crisis events that affected two strategically important policy areas for European Union integration: the early stages of the financial crisis that began in 2008 and the migration following the 2011 Arab Spring. Based on analysis of these cases, this study identifies four strategies applied by the Commission: doer, follower, cooperator and recycler. Our study concludes that member state engagement and Commission mandate are important variables in explaining under which circumstances these strategies are used by the Commission.     

Government co-option of civil society: exploring the AKP’s role within Turkish women’s CSOs

Mainstream academic and policy literature emphasizes the nexus between an active and vibrant civil society sector and greater political accountability. As a result, support for civil society has become central to international policy efforts to strengthen democracy in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region. However, the empirical evidence presented in this article questions the validity of this assumption. Drawing on information gathered through 38 in-depth qualitative interviews with women’s organizations from across the seven administrative regions of Turkey, and key representatives from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), this article analyses the role of the AKP government in co-opting and influencing women’s organizations in Turkey. The results that emerge demonstrate that the government is actively involved in fashioning a civil society sector that advances their interests and consolidates their power. Independent women’s organizations report that they are becoming increasingly excluded from policy and legislative discussions, as seemingly civic organizations are supported and often created by the government to replace them. These organizations function to disseminate government ideas in society and to provide a cloak of democratic legitimacy to policy decisions. These findings and their implications have significant consequences for theory and policy on civil society and its role in supporting democracy.     

Misclassification on the Mekong: the origins of Hun Sen’s personalist dictatorship

Authoritarian regime datasets are an important tool for research in both comparative politics and international relations. Despite widespread use of these categorization schemes, very little attention has been paid to the quality of the judgements contained within them. Using the unambiguous case of Cambodia, this article demonstrates how leading datasets have failed to capture the manifest features of Hun Sen’s personalist dictatorship. This is demonstrated by the unconstrained and discretionary authority he wields across six domains of control. In addition to reclassifying Cambodia as a party-personalist regime, this article raises questions about the reliability of classification judgements for more opaque authoritarian regimes. The article has implications for existing and ongoing research into whether personalist dictatorships will undergo democratization, initiate interstate war, and commit repression.     

Donor-induced depoliticisation of development implementation: the case of Ghana’s Compact I

Based on empirical evidence from a donor-funded project in Ghana, this article demonstrates that when development implementation is depoliticised, targets will likely be achieved within budget and on time. Funded and supervised by the Millennium Challenge Corporation of the United States, Ghana Compact I has been recommended as a model for future development implementation. This article is an attempt to explain this success, compared to select social programmes. It argues that Compact I was implemented successfully because it was insulated from political interference, and suggests that donor-induced depoliticisation offers a route to successful development implementation in recipient countries.     

EU’s Taiwan policy in the light of its China policy

Since the mid-1990s the European Union sees it necessary to engage with the PR China due to its increasing economic and political influence. EU-China ties have been developed rather smoothly and comprehensively. EU leaders believe that the more prosperous and influential China becomes, the more the EU could benefit. No serious obstacles are visible and the prospects for further development are promising. Under the One China Principle, however, the EUs Taiwan policy is rather confined. Although the EU is concerned about the security and stability in the Cross Strait relations, their means of interventions are constrained. The European Parliament resolutions as well as the stance of the Council and the Commission towards Taiwan have demonstrated the EUs ability to tread lightly when dealing with, and there is little visible interest in getting more actively involved in the Taiwan issue. Only the Liberal International truly supports Taiwan in its bid to enhance international visibility. However Taipei-Washington ties dwarf the EUs Taiwan policy. Therefore there is still large room for further improvements in the Taiwan-EU relations.     

China’s Diplomatic Options in the Face of Profound Global Changes

he world today is undergoing profound changes not seen in a century.In terms of its formal structure,the world system has been greatly affected by the striking economic and social developments,changes in the international order,and adjustments in international relations.In effect,the world is facing great instability and uncertainty.Multilateralism is undergoing a major crisis,global governance is being challenged,while strategic competition among great powers has grown increasingly fierce.Confronting increasingly uncertain circumstances,China should maintain its strategic focus,strengthen the top-level design of its diplomacy,improve the overall layout,and step up efforts in its practices.In this way,China will effectively safeguard the stability of the global order and become an indispensable source of“positive energy”in this changing world.     

Women’s Participation in Peace Negotiations and the Durability of Peace

There is an emerging consensus that women’s participation in peace negotiations contributes to the quality and durability of peace after civil war. However, to date, this proposition has remained empirically untested. Moreover, how women’s participation may contribute to durable peace has not been systematically explored. This article uses a mixed method design to examine this proposition. Our statistical analysis demonstrates a robust correlation between peace agreements signed by female delegates and durable peace. We further find that agreements signed by women show a significantly higher number of peace agreement provisions aimed at political reform, and higher implementation rates for provisions. We argue that linkages between women signatories and women civil society groups explain the observed positive impact of women’s direct participation in peace negotiations. Collaboration and knowledge building among diverse women groups contributes to better content of peace agreements and higher implementation rates of agreement provisions. We substantiate this argument with qualitative case study evidence and demonstrate how collaboration between female delegates and women civil society groups positively impacts peace processes. Our findings support the assumption that women’s participation in peace negotiations increases the durability and the quality of peace.     

Javanese culture as the source of legitimacy for Soeharto’s government

Since its independence on the 17th of August 1945, Indonesia has been governed consecutively by five presidents. Among them, Retired Army Great General Soeharto managed to be president for more than 32 years. There were many factors making him succeed in reaching, promoting, as well as maintaining power for these years. Despite his ability to place the military forces and police, the civilian bureaucracy, the Functional Group called Golkar, as well as the conglomerates under his own tight control, he also managed to manipulate Javanese cultural values as the source of legitimacy for his decisions and policies. As a puritan Javanese, Soeharto believed that a number of traditional Javanese thoughts in the forms of guidance and prohibitions, when practiced, would not only make individuals but also the Indonesian people in general have a noble and generous mind, or ber budi bawa leksana, that is: the ones who are really good as the essence of goodness, or becik sajatining becik. He claimed that it would not be difficult for the Indonesian people to improve their consciousness as the nation of Indonesia in their state, government and social life on the basis of Pancasila, if they understood Javanese cultural values properly (Rukmana 1993:xi). Based on this belief, Soeharto then tried to convince people that his all decisions and policies were socially just and philosophically correct because they had been based on very high Javanese philosophical values. As for example, when he treated his enemy or rival, such as ex-President Soekarno, or when he responded the critiques launched by his rivals or enemies, like Sawito Kartowibowo, Jailani Naro, Soeryadi, Megawati Soekarnoputri, Abdurahman Wahid, Permadi, Sri Bintang Pamungkas, and Amien Rais, challenging his position as the President or asking questions about presidential succession, Soeharto knew how to manipulate Javanese cultural values in order to justify or even legitimize his decisions and policies.

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Narrative and elucidating the concept of democracy: the case of Myanmar’s activists and democratic leaders

Narrative analysis has been widely employed in the social sciences. Yet there has been no systematic application of narrative theory to the study of how the word “democracy” is given meaning by political actors. Using the empirical example of the Burmese democracy movement in the lead up to the historic 2015 election victory of the National League for Democracy, this article argues that narrative analysis can contribute in unique ways to the interpretive task of “elucidating” the concept of democracy. Tracing plot and character construction within activist and aid worker stories about democracy in Myanmar, this study reveals three prominent and diverging narratives of democracy within and around the movement; a liberal narrative, centring on liberal democratic institutions and values, a benevolence narrative, focussing on the value of moral leadership and selflessness, and an equality narrative, highlighting the importance of cultural reform towards greater relational equality. Attention to these narratives has implications for donor “democracy promotion” strategies raising new questions about the role of formal institutions of democracy, the perceived source of “solutions”, and the impact on internal struggles within democracy movements.     

Fifty Years of Democratic Reform in Tibet Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China

March 2, 2009, Beijing Foreword Tibet has been an inseparable part of China since ancient times. The peaceful liberation of Tibet, the driving out of the imperialist aggressor forces from Tibet, the democratic reform and abolition of theocratic feudal serfdom in Tibet were significant parts of the Chinese     

Beyond ‘Engagement and Integration’ : An Analysis of the Adjustment of the Obama Administration’s Economic Policies toward China

As part of its new strategy of ＂returning to the Asia-Pacific region＂, the ~Obama administration has adopted some tough economic policies towards China, notably promoting the Trans-Pacific Partnership （TPP） and attempting to establish new rules of international trade and investment aimed at strengthening economic ties with other Westem countries through the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement（TTIP ）,     

Woodrow Wilson’s Neutrality,the Freedom of the Seas,and the Myth of the “Civil War Precedents”

This analysis shows the importance of a problem of maritime law in an on-going debate between two interpretations of Wilsonian neutrality that have competed in various guises since the end of the First World War: can British blockade actions in that war be justified by American Civil War precedents? It proves that reliance on the “Civil War precedents” to justify Britain’s blockade measures was disingenuous from the beginning. British diplomats first used it in October 1914, and Woodrow Wilson embraced it to defend his mild response to British violations of neutral rights to incensed American citizens despite continuous protests from the State Department. Whilst all politicians involved knew the comparison was wrong, historians have embraced it as a justification of Britain’s illegal blockade ever since Arthur S. Link claimed it as the key to understanding Wilson’s neutrality policy.