群体相对剥夺前因及对集群行为的影响——基于汶川地震灾区民众调查的实证研究

相对剥夺指相对于参照群体，现实中人们缺乏某种渴望拥有的东西的状态。当个体将自己所属群体的现状或结果与某一外群体相比，感觉本群体处于一种弱势或不利的地位时即产生群体相对剥夺。本研究通过对都江堰市、绵竹市、什邡市三地309个灾民为期一周的问卷调查，分析探索灾民群体相对剥夺的心理及行为机制。研究发现，个体与群体相对剥夺显著正相关，双重剥夺下的灾民更倾向参与集群行为。对于城镇灾民，正当性和可行性作用于灾民对群体相对剥夺的感知，通过情感的中介影响集群行为；对于农村灾民，正当性、可行性、责任性和群体支持皆是群体相对剥夺认知成分的前因变量，群体认同对情感与集群行为的关系具有调节作用。     

群体性事件与非直接利益冲突

群体性事件增多是社会发展中不可避免的现实,中国群体性事件逐渐凸显出非直接利益冲突的特点.非直接群体性利益冲突折射出部分群体在利益格局变迁中产生利益相对剥夺感.并逐步对物质利益分配的不满转向对社会公平价值的怀疑.直接消弱统治"合法性"基础.从直接利益冲突到非直接利益冲突的转变,表明冲突内涵和类型发生了本质的转变.现代社会的不公平感是导致社会冲突行为发生的主要中介变量.     

群体性事件心理动因和心理机制探析

从人类行为发生的内在机理看,群体性事件是参与民众在社会变迁过程中出现心理失衡后,在群体心理作用下转化为群体行为的结果.现阶段中国底层民众中弥漫着的相对剥夺感、社会不公感、信任缺失感、弱势认同感、社会焦虑感等相互叠加,是群体性事件发生的社会心理动因；而特定或不特定群体中的情绪感染、去个性化、群体极化、冒险转移、心理暗示等交互作用,则是群体性事件发生的群体心理机制.     

我国群体性事件的演变态势及其动态应对机制

改革开放后我国群体性事件演变的基本态势是:群体性事件类型格局从过去单一的物质利益冲突群体性事件转向多元类型并存的格局;发生的动因从在过去共同物质利益受损粘合点走向共同群体意识粘合点;公民参与群体性事件方式从被迫性转向主动依法抗争性;新兴媒体对群体性事件助推作用更加凸显等。根据我国群体性事件的演变态势应采取动态管理机制,包括群体性事件分类治理的方针;动态追踪人民内部矛盾呈现的阶段性特征;以构建公民权利平等为核心路径化解社会不公平感的冲突源;根据非线性的演变特点健全社会矛盾预警和危机应急管理机制等。     

群体性事件的经济诱因及其解决出路——基于典型案例分析

群体性事件属于人民内部矛盾,对社会稳定与发展造成一定影响,主体利益性、群体性、事态突发性和行为对抗性是其四个特性。在转型过程中,经济因素是诱导群体性事件爆发的重要方面,市场经济下个体私欲盛行,驱动人们为了经济利益而罔置一切;经济盲目发展导致环境污染,当地群众为维护生存环境而联合起来对抗政府;经济增长不平衡导致人们心里产生"相对剥夺感"。要解决问题从三个方面考虑:政治生态对市场经济的重构,明确利益主体应做的事情;经济发展注重生态环境保护,尊重当地群众的诉求;经济增长注重各方平衡,统筹兼顾各方利益。     

如何识别相对贫困：海外研究的学术谱系与前沿动态

治理相对贫困是推动共同富裕的关键环节，其前提是准确识别相对贫困群体和精准测量相对贫困程度。相对收入贫困、多维贫困、增长性贫困和主观贫困是海外学界研究相对贫困的经典视角。相对收入视角将个人或家庭收入与国民收入中位数的特定比例相比较，以此确定相对贫困人群及其分布。这种方法简单灵活但维度单一。多维贫困视角较为全面地反映了相对贫困人口的贫困状况，其核心步骤是多维指标体系的构建和各指标阈值的确定。增长性贫困视角来源对增长与减贫关系的反思，这类研究主张将提升经济发展质量、促进社会公平和培育贫困人口能力有机结合。主观贫困视角承袭了贫困心理学的研究传统，注重相对贫困群体的自我感知和阶层定位，但因其充满主观色彩而遭受诟病。鉴于中国贫困治理议程已由解决绝对贫困问题转向治理相对贫困，对海外相对贫困识别方式展开谱系梳理与前沿追踪，能够为学界探讨中国相对贫困治理问题、精准测量和识别相对贫困人口、绘制中国相对贫困人口的空间分布图提供理论参考。     

浅析我国相对剥夺感的研究现状

通过文献综述法对相对剥夺感的概念、相对剥夺感的产生、影响因素、应对方式等方面的探讨,综述了近年来我国相对剥夺感研究的现状,以期引起人们重视相对剥夺感对个人健康发展和社会的和谐稳定的影响,使人们对这一研究领域进行广泛的关注与思考。     

群体性事件中的身份利益群体研究

改革开放进入新时期以来,中国群体性事件的主体正在由事项利益群体转向身份利益群体。身份意识在结构上可细分为身份认同意识、身份利益意识、身份排斥意识和身份抗争意识,它们会对身份利益群体在群体性事件中的行为方式产生重要影响,并对冲突管理提出新的挑战。管理身份利益型冲突的目标、原则、策略和方式有别于事项利益型冲突,其管理目标应当定位于利益相关的各种身份群体间关系,促进各身份群体间的利益平衡;政府的角色应当居于中立地位,不偏不倚;管理机制和策略是设计公平和公开的身份群体间协商程序,并使协商过程和解决方案保持一定的透明度,以便形成能够在各身份群体间达致广泛共识的冲突解决方案。     

多层剥夺与社会不满

正王磊、胡鞍钢在《探索与争鸣》2011年第9期撰文提出"多层剥夺"这一概念,希望来解释中国社会普遍不满的产生来源。简单地说,社会不同群体,无论是强势还是弱势都由于某种剥夺的存在,产生了对社会的不满情绪。剥夺包括两种层面:一种是客观的失去,即     

上海破题相对贫困

按照我国推进反贫困事业进度推算,今年我国现行标准下农村贫困人口将脱贫,贫困县将全部摘帽,区域性整体贫困将成历史,接下来的反贫困治理重点、难点将从显性的绝对贫困转向更加隐蔽的相对贫困。与物质财富匮乏造成的绝对贫困相比,相对贫困往往参照特定群体而言,如同一时期,不同地区或不同阶层成员之间因生存水准差距较大造成的贫困。     

Examining Factors that Impact Mississippi Counties' Unreserved Fund Balance during Relative Resource Abundance and Relative Resource Scarcity

Although using some of the same organizational and financial factors examined by prior researchers to build and test models that explain factors influencing change in the general fund unreserved balance for smaller, rural, and less affluent counties in Mississippi, the rationale of this study is to build additional support that applying the recommended 5–15 percent savings benchmark across all jurisdictions is not a sufficient guide. Overall, Mississippi counties maintain unreserved fund balances ranging from a negative balance to over one hundred percent of their current expenditures. Counties also increase reserves during times of relative resource abundance and decrease them during relative resource scarcity. Moreover, they tend to address short‐term needs and resident demands when revenues are plentiful. During relative resource scarcity, however, they are more cost‐conscious and focus on maintaining rather than expanding current expenditures. This research shows that counties using the Beat system, a political form of government, are more likely to behave more frugally than counties using a Unit system, an administrative form of government.     

东北经济发展相对缓慢:比较与分析

对于东北经济增长相对缓慢的原因,我们可以从不同角度进行分析.由于东北地区在改革之初即有与东部沿海地区大体相同甚至更好的工业基础,因此,东北地区与东部沿海的发展情况有很大的可比性,以东部沿海经济发展较快的省份为参照系,对东北经济发展的基本脉络进行梳理,有助于找出东北经济发展相对缓慢的原因.     

An Empirical Test of the Relative Education Model in Sweden

Numerous studies show that education has a positive effect on political participation at the individual level. However, the increase in aggregate levels of education in most Western countries over the last decades has not resulted in a corresponding increase in aggregate levels of political participation. Nie et al. (Education and democratic citizenship in America, 1996) propose the relative education model as a possible solution to this paradox. According to this model, it is not the skills promoted by education that have positive effects on political participation. Rather, education influences individuals’ social status, which in turn influences political participation. The relative education model expects that the individual-level effect of an additional year of education will decrease as the mean level of education in the environment increases. This article evaluates this theory using Swedish election surveys (1985–2006) and it thus provides the first in depth evaluation of the relative education model outside the US. On voting and political participation related to political parties, support is found for the relative education model.     

Whites’ Racial Resentment and Perceived Relative Discrimination Interactively Predict Participation

Political Behavior - Scholarship in American politics finds whites’ racial resentment and status threat predict their vote choice. However, research in social identity indicates that such...     

Flexible Integration,EMU and Relative Voting Power in the EU

This paper studies the implications offlexible integration in the European Union. Itanalyses the voting power of member states in theCouncil of Ministers when differently sized subgroupsof the EU are set up. European Monetary Union isreferred to as the most important example of flexibleintegration. The Banzhaf-Index is calculated to studythe distribution of voting power in the decisionmaking process according to the stability and growthpact. The results show considerable fluctuations,especially for smaller countries, in relative votingpower, the latter being defined as the relationbetween voting power and relative voting weight.     

The Relative Influence of Appropriation Subcommittees: Institutional Structure and Program Performance

Unlike previous analyses that evaluate the influence of the authorization committees on government agency management, we examine the US congressional appropriation subcommittees to see how their structural characteristics affect the performance of the programs that they fund. Specifically, we look at whether the competition for resources and member workload within subcommittees affects the effectiveness and efficiency of the programs under their purview. As part of the Congressional budget process, appropriation subcommittees are annually allocated new budgets from which they must fund a set of government programs. We find that the level of resources in a subcommittee affects program performance. Greater subcommittee resources are negatively correlated with program performance. We also find that workload matters—programs in subcommittees with fewer issue areas and programs per member are more effective and efficient. A subcommittee's capacity to focus on management problems and issue areas leads to better program performance.     

浅论第三部门的相对独立性

相对独立性对于第三部门具有重大意义,如果没有了相对与政府和企业的独立性,第三部门也就失去了存在的基础与理由。二十一世纪全球化、信息化浪潮带动了第三部门的蓬勃发展,它在世界范围内已逐渐成为最有生机和活力的领域。然而,中国第三部门的发展却滞后于世界,其发展现状不容乐观。为此,政府和第三部门应一起努力,提高第三部门组织的自治能力。