Chinese democracy: The lessons of failure

China's experiments with democracy in this century were few in number, short in duration, and limited in their democratic characteristics. Democratic institutions malfunctioned in numerous ways. Nine sets of causes for the failure of Chinese democracy can be suggested: ideology, internal and external war, military intervention, Chinese political culture, underdevelopment, a peasant mass, flaws in the design of Chinese constitutions, moral failures by democratic politicians, or the lack of transactional benefits for military‐based elites in the process of democratic transition. Each of these factors is reviewed critically with an eye to its possible lessons.     

The reappraisal of the cultural revolution

Especially in the wake of the June 4 incident, some scholars have called for a second look at the “Rebel” activism of the Cultural Revolution. They identify the Rebel movement as a quest for self‐liberation from oppression and criticize the Deng regime's confounding Rebel opposition to totalitarian domination with the Gang of Four's totalitarian terror. This essay questions the reappraisal, arguing that while Rebel ideology may have been a step toward democracy, it was not itself fully democratic, and that it has lost much of its democratic relevance.     

协商民主的内在关联性及其定位——基于中西方协商民主发展的环境视角分析

协商民主是实现人民民主,发展社会主义民主政治的一种新型的民主范式。比较分析西方协商民主发展的背景和中国协商民主推进的动因,可以发现在中国民主化进程中,协商与民主"分"的可能性和"合"的现实性以及两者间不必然的关系,在此基础上明确协商民主在中国民主化进程中的定位。     

Democrats within the Chinese Communist Party since 1989

The focus of this article is the discourse of democracy among a group of senior retired officials and academics within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since 1989. The post-totalitarian regime prevents them from forming a formal faction, but does not stop them from establishing a visible network and effectively arguing for the case of democratization. They want nothing less than Western style democracy as a system involving effective competition between political parties for positions of power through regular and fair elections, in which all members of the population enjoy the freedom of expression and the freedom to form and join political groups or associations. They publish chiefly on the Internet, but also through printing media home and abroad, including some high profile journals under their control or influence in China. By taking advantage of their profound thinking, rich experience and particularly their seniority within the communist hierarchy, democrats within the CCP are making increasing impacts on democratization in China, effectively keeping the debate on China's democratic future alive in the state media and among the CCP leadership. The response of the top CCP leadership to the proposals by their democrat colleagues is not entirely negative, especially on reaching a consensus of accepting democracy and human rights as universal values. The process of the conversion of Chinese communists to liberals is well under way, and sufficient intellectual resources have been accumulated for a democratic transition or a historical breakthrough of democratization in China.     

The Constitutive Rhetoric of Democratic Centralism: a thematic analysis of Mao's discourse on democracy

Employing the theoretical framework of constitutive rhetoric, this paper explores Chinese conceptions of democracy by examining Mao Zedong's speeches and writings. This rhetorical examination seeks to show how democracy is understood, defined, and conceptualized in China. Several themes from Mao's most famous speeches and writings are discussed in the light of his concept of democratic centralism. The rhetorical analysis supports the notion that Chinese communism includes democracy, as purported by Mao; however, this culturally unique form of democracy (i.e. democratic centralism) does not match the representative form of democracy employed in the West. Understanding that democracy is conceptualized distinctly by Chinese communist followers of Mao may provide insight for future international studies and relations.     

新型政党制度的政治功能及其治理优势——基于中国民主政治内在规定性的分析

国家权力来自人民是现代民主政治的核心理念。如何实现人民的选择,保障人民权利成为民主政治发展的重大关切。中国民主政治类属于人民民主,其价值理念与历史实践内在赋予了执政党以领导核心地位,并要求以民主集中制为组织原则,实现广泛、真实的民主。中国新型政党制度作为中国民主政治的一项基本制度安排,在利益代表、政治参与和民主监督等政治功能方面与民主政治的规定性要素相契合,并在实践过程中体现出政治平衡、政治稳定、政治整合的显著治理优势,为社会主义民主政治发展与国家治理体系和治理能力现代化建设奠定稳固基础。     

Democratization in turmoil? Elections in Hong Kong

The first SAR Chief Executive, Tung Chee‐hwa, in his speech at the SAR Establishment Ceremony, said: ‘Democracy is the hallmark of a new era for Hong Kong. The SAR Government will resolutely move forward to a more democratic form of government in accordance with the provisions in the Basic Law’. Butler, Penniman and Ranney, however, cautioned that ‘the critical difference between democratic and nondemocratic regimes is to be found in whether or not they hold elections, and if they do, what kind’. Indeed, electoral changes made to the 1998 LegCo elections are found to be anti‐democratic and retrogressive, as well as unnecessary. The authors conclude that electoral systems matter because they are one of the central mechanisms in modern democracies to give substance and content to democratic governance. If electoral systems are designed in such a manner that they obstruct the exercise of popular sovereignty, ride rough‐shod over the principle of political equality, undermine the extent of representation, complicate relationships of accountability as well as delimit opportunities for participation, then such systems should have little place in genuine democratic reform. To bring Hong Kong's democratization forward, a hard look at the electoral system, which should be more informed by the principles and practices of democracy will be mandatory.     

"三个代表"重要思想与当代中国的民主政治建设

“三个代表”重要思想是新世纪统帅党和国家各项工作的纲领,也是发展社会主义民主政治的强大思想武器。坚持“三个代表”重要思想,才能确保党在中国社会主义民主政治建设中的领导地位,确保实现人民当家作主,切实推进依法治国。当代中国的民主政治建设以“三个代表”重要思想为指导,就要大力发展党内民主,以党内民主推进人民民主;大力增强执政为民意识,保障人民当家作主;大力提高全民族的民主素质和科学文化水平;大力加强民主政治制度建设。     

Pre‐ and post‐Tiananmen conceptual evolution of democracy in intellectual circles’ rethinking of state and society

This paper both analyzes and provides a detailed documentation of the conceptual changes in the Chinese intellectual circles’ understanding of the state‐society relationship and the meaning of democracy during the past ten years or so. In the late 1980s, the intellectual circles in China were engaged in intensified debates on issues concerning political reform. New ideas were proposed, indicating important rethinking of democracy in terms of changing state‐society relationship. Increasing emphasis was placed on societal autonomy and plurality of social interests. Correspondingly, the meaning of democracy also changed from the party‐state's monopolized representation of unified social interests to political participation by an autonomous and pluralistic society. The brief period of post‐Tiananmen political backlash failed to inhibit further development and widening acceptance of the new ideas on democracy and the state‐society relationship among a new generation of Chinese intellectuals in the 1990s.     

The Revival of Confucianism and the CCP's Struggle for Cultural Leadership: a content analysis of the People's Daily, 2000–2009

The revival of Confucianism in the first decade of the twenty-first century is a political phenomenon that cannot be ignored with regard to its social influence and the particular meaning it has brought to China. However, so far, there has not been much academic research into the political reasons for this revival at a deeper level. Based on the 228 articles published in the People's Daily in the years between 2000 and 2009, a content analysis is conducted on how Confucianism was represented in this authoritative official medium. The examination of the role that Confucianism plays in the construction of the socialist ‘advanced culture’ provides a clear lens to observe the role of Confucianism in the Chinese political ideology, which is still rooted and based on Marxism–Leninism. This research is aimed at clarifying how Confucianism was pragmatically promoted by the government of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) with the purpose of securing its cultural leadership. This state-led promotion reveals the vulnerability of the political status of Confucianism in contemporary China and its unsecured future.     

简论乌克兰民主与民族主义的互动博弈

近年来,乌克兰政治危机频发,与其民主政治转型密切相关——快速民主化进程带来治理困难的"弱民主",历史原因累积又造成两大主体民族俄罗斯族与乌克兰族的尖锐对立,族裔民族主义隐疾严重侵蚀民主政治的根基。那么,民主与民族主义的孪生关系究竟该如何界定,二者在现代国家构建的过程中又以何种方式进行互动运作,彼此之间的博弈冲突可否化解?鉴此,从乌克兰国家及民族历史背景出发,分析其作为多民族国家典型在现代化进程中民主与民族主义的关系,无疑是求解的有效途径。     

近年来党内民主与人民民主关系的研究综述

党内民主和人民民主是社会主义民主政治的基本内容,如何处理二者的关系是近年来学者讨论的热点问题。有的学者强调要发挥党内民主对人民民主的示范和带动作用;有的则提倡发挥人民民主对党内民主的推动作用和辐射效应;还有的学者突出二者的交互作用,认为二者要协同发展,不可偏废其一。其中,在党内民主与人民民主结合点的问题上,不同的学者也提出了不同的看法。     

关于协商民主理论与实践的几个问题

当前，协商民主作为中国特色社会主义民主政治的实现形式之一，已成为深化我国政治体制改革的重要任务。十八大对健全协商民主制度进行了总体规划和部署，协商民主在中国的发展前景，值得我们寄予乐观的期待。中国在长期政治生活中形成了多级政治协商制度，探索出听证会、民主恳谈会等基层民主实践，这些为健全中国特色社会主义协商民主制度提供了具有积极意义的实践经验。同时，党中央多次强调要建立社会协商对话制度，协商民主的协商场域正在不断拓宽。工资集体协商的广泛推行就是协商场域拓宽的一种表现，在这方面，福建泉州的工资集体协商尤其具有代表性。     

构建发展农村基层民主运行机制的思考

构建农村基层民主运行机制,最基本的前提是要明确发展农村基层民主的客观对象和运行环境。基于主客观条件和环境背景分析,发展农村基层民主运行机制应从着眼于提高民主意识,维护民主权利,激发参与热情,推进自我管理,深化体制改革,畅通参与渠道和促进健康发展等方面着力构建。     

中国共产党社会主义民主理论的发展

民主是随着国家的产生而出现的,它同许多政治现象一样,本身也有一个发展变化的过程。马克思主义经典作家在建立马克思主义国家学说和探索无产阶级民主的过程中,对民主有过深入的研究,多层次多侧面地论述过民主问题,对民主的内涵作出了科学的解释。毛泽东关于社会主义民主政治建设的一系列思想观点,对我国的社会主义民主政治建设起了巨大的指导作用,丰富和发展了马克思主义的民主理论。在社会主义建设的新时期,邓小平、江泽民和胡锦涛同志则把中国特色社会主义民主理论和民主政治建设推向了一个新阶段。     

俄罗斯政治发展的现实困境与路径选择

经过20年的转型,俄罗斯在遵循民主政治基本原则的基础上,已经确立了宪政民主的框架。然而,西方的民主政治并不适合俄罗斯政治发展的实际,处于转型期的民主政治体制仍然存在着许多缺陷。"超级总统制"的宪政设计、"无执政党"的政党政治与发育不良的公民社会成为制约俄罗斯政治发展三个主要障碍。照搬西方政治模式只能意味着俄罗斯政治发展的失败,立足现实国情,尊重文化传统,加强权力的分享与制衡,形成民主、权威与法治相结合的政治发展道路是可行的选择。     

协商民主是中国特色社会主义民主的重要形式

协商民主体现在中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度之中,以政治协商、参政议政、民主监督、合作共事为基本实现途径,有利于实现最广泛的政治参与,最大限度地包容和吸纳各种利益诉求,充分体现社会主义民主的真实性,显示出巨大的优越性和强大的生命力。发展社会主义民主政治、建设社会主义政治文明,必须进一步坚持好、完善好协商民主这种民主形式。     

Infusing morality into political institutions

This paper argues that democratic institutional design does not require a sage's conception of morality, or Chinese Marxist, goal‐based morality. But it would be wrong to take this further and argue that no form of morality constitutes a normative basis for democratic politics. Contrarily, the author argues for a right‐based morality as being a solid moral foundation for Chinese liberal institutional design; and a procedural conception of morality as an actual basis for well‐functioning democratic institutions. The argument of the independence of politics from morality fails because the problem of the abuse of procedure intrinsically requires a moral remedy that procedure should be fair. Practical argument of the catastrophic consequences of infusing politics with moral principles fails because it fails to distinguish between goal‐based and right‐based moralities. The cultural relativist argument fails again because empirical moral diversity does not exclude a normatively minimal international morality and because a universal doctrine of right‐based morality is rooted in today's Chinese politics.     

协商民主是中华民族传统文化的延续

当代中国社会主义协商民主是我国社会主义协商民主制度文化传承与实践的不断延续。其发生和发展,从历史上就有着深厚的传统文化底蕴。我国人民民主协商的重要形式所体现出来的哲学智慧与思维方式,来源于中华民族悠久的传统文化和中国共产党领导下的新民主主义革命以来的历史实践延续。可以说,我国社会主义协商民主制度植根于中华优秀文化传统,并孕育和初步形成了中国革命历史进程中的新民主主义文化,在当代社会主义先进文化的培育和推动下更加完善。