爱德华·萨义德论中东热点问题

21世纪以来,中东发生过多次激烈的冲突和战争.在该地区国家政治权力、文化身份被淹没的情境下,出于难以割舍的中东情结,爱德华?萨义德十分关注在中东发生的或者影响中东局势的重大事件并逐步形成自己的理论.他的理论源于实践,服务实践又指导实践,因而备受世界各国政界和学界的关注.本文通过分析萨义德对<戴维营协议>、<奥斯陆协议>、海湾战争和伊拉克战争等中东重大事件的思考与论述,指出萨义德的中东研究已不再局限于对西方帝国主义、东方主义和殖民主义的批判,而是开始探索相关问题的出路,寻找解决问题的方法.     

克劳福德的东方观——克劳福德《出使暹罗和印度支那王朝日记》的研究

萨义德的东方学理论为重新解读克劳福德的名作《出使暹罗和印度支那王朝日记》提供了新的分析工具。本文通过重新审视书中蕴含的前提和假设，揭示出了克劳福德的东方观。克劳福德认为东方总是低劣的、野蛮的和感性的，其东方观是在他的作品与殖民主义制造的总体政治语境之间进行交换的过程中生成的。克劳福德的个人体验和对东方的传记描述最终向权威的东方学发生了转移，他的东方观随之也带有东方学浓厚的气息。今天，重新审视那些貌似客观公正，实际上却蕴含着西方文化霸权的著作是历史文化非殖民化的一项非常重要的工作。     

《在缅甸的日子》：乔治&#183;奥威尔质疑帝国及其东方主义话语

乔治·奥威尔的小说《在缅甸的日子》体现了他对大英帝国在东方殖民事业的质疑和抨击,但他的不健康心态却又使这部小说染上了浓厚的东方主义色彩,这使他对大英帝国的质疑显得并不彻底。本文借助后殖民理论对这一小说进行检视,并将之与吉卜林、福斯特、夏洛蒂.勃朗特等人的小说文本进行比较。     

俄罗斯权威主义政治的合法性分析

俄罗斯政治发展的演进历程中呈现权威主义导向越来越明晰的特征。但是作为一种过渡形态并存在固有缺陷的政治安排,权威主义在俄罗斯的出现必然会带来一个相关性问题——政治合法性问题。政治合法性实际上就是公众对于政治统治的认同,它对政治权力体系有着重大的意义。本文结合政治合法性的相关理论来阐释俄罗斯权威主义政治的合法性基础。     

俄罗斯的外交走向：大西洋主义，还是欧亚主义

俄罗斯走向何方,是大西洋主义,还是欧亚主义,或者说是融入西方,还是独立自主,保留自己的民族特性,在外交界和学术界是一个有争议的问题。俄罗斯尽管在冷战后实力有很大的削弱,但其拥有辽阔的国土、丰富的自然资源、高素质的人口、雄厚的科学和技术基础、仅次于美国的军事实     

社团主义理论的兴起及其对拉美世界的影响

20世纪70年代以来,社团主义理论的兴起为比较政治学领域带来了革命性变化,但社团主义理论的发展很快走上了不同的道路:采纳了新制度主义基本理念的学者们主要关注发达国家中的利益协调和政策制定,发展了社会社团主义理论;受“国家的回归”运动影响的学者们则关注欠发达国家里的国家与社会关系,发展了国家社团主义理论.本文比较了社会社团主义理论与国家社团主义理论的区别,并进而分析了国家社团主义理论对于拉丁美洲国家的影响.最后,本文提出了未来社团主义理论的两个研究方向,一是社团主义的制度安排如何影响权力关系,二是如何综合路径依赖和关键节点的理论来解释国家社团主义在拉丁美洲世界的发展.     

也谈美国多元文化主义

滥觞于20世纪70年代的多元文化主义,既是一种社会政治理论,又是一种社会实践行动。它以美国社会日趋多样化为基础,以“宪法民主”、“政治承认”和解构主义等后现代主义思想为武器,要求主流社会给予亚文化群体平等地位并承认他们的文化价值观,使美国成为一个文化价值观多元、各社会群体相互平等的社会。本文以多元文化主义在美国教育界的情况为例,通过对多元文化主义思想理论和主要论点的考察和分析,来揭示它争夺文化价值观话语权力、重新确立美国国民性的根本目的。     

“先秦国际法”研究与中国“世界图景”的重建——从丁韪良到陈顾远

从晚清到民国,出现了一股持续半个世纪的"先秦国际法"研究思潮.丁韪良试图通过附会"中国古世公法"使中国人接受近代西方普遍主义公法观,置换中国人传统的"世界图景",从而将中国纳入到正在扩展中的资本主义世界体系.晚清士大夫试图通过对儒家经典的重新阐释,建构新的"世界图景",以儒学的内在脉络作为建立普遍主义世界观和公法观的依据.陈顾远试图在坚持中国文化本位的基础上,通过与西方国际法概念的部分对接,重建中国人的"世界图景",在西方普遍主义与儒家普遍主义之间寻求折衷.这些不同关切的实质都指向了如何重建中国人的"世界图景"这一核心问题.     

俄罗斯外交“转向东方”评析

长期以来,西方一直是饿外交的重心所在.但2014年初的乌克兰危机从根本上改变了俄罗斯的外部环境,俄与西方关系急剧恶化.为摆脱困境,同时寻找国家发展的出路,俄罗斯“转向东方”,实质性地提升了亚太在其对外战略布局中的地位,在政治、经贸、军事等方面积极与亚太国家合作.“转向东方”战略对俄突破西方孤立起到一定的作用,但在经济上成果不彰,也使不少俄罗斯人感到失望.展望未来,俄罗斯“转向东方”的进程不会逆转,但俄与亚太国家关系的深化面临不小阻碍.同时,俄“转向东方”绝不意味着“背离西方”,而是提升对东方的关注,从而在东西方间更加平衡.     

多边主义再思考与世界秩序重构

冷战后兴起的多边主义研究在经历了一个研究活跃期后就形成了制度主义和原则导向的二元分野,其中制度主义理论的繁荣迅速掩盖了其他分支的声音,并使多边主义研究本身都趋于沉寂.多边主义并非新事物,20世纪以来始终是与世界政治经济危机和秩序重建相伴相生的,危机破坏了旧的共识和世界秩序,秩序重建要基于新的共识,而多边主义的本质就是协商一致、达成共识.共识可能表现为具体的制度,也可能仅仅是模糊的原则.特朗普执政的四年间,美国背弃多边主义维持合作的前提,严重破坏了二战后国际关系和世界秩序的共识.经历了新冠肺炎疫情加剧的世界政治分裂危机后,国际社会寻求合作正在缓慢复苏.从拜登政府的相关主张来看,"伙伴关系"和气候议题是新特征,但是追求协商一致和达成共识的本质未变,因此多边主义仍将是重建世界秩序的基础.     

多元文化或同化：亨廷顿的族群文化观与东南亚华族

亨廷顿的文明冲突论是其族群文化观对国际政冶格局的解读。其族群文化观源于美国的族群理论中的盎格鲁一萨克逊优越论。在美国国内,亨廷顿断言多元文化将使美国分裂而反对多元文化,主张用以盎格鲁一萨克逊文化代表的美国核心文化同化其他移民族群。在国际上,亨廷顿强调不同宗教文化的难以调和性,似乎由主流文化同化其他族群才是解决“国家间和国家内部的文明冲突”的出路。正如同化理论在美国日益没落而多元文化广被认可一样,在东南亚,一个各族群可以和睦相处的多元社会的构建不但是一种理念,也能成为现实。     

Intergovernmental Organizations,Interaction, and Member State Interest Convergence

This article presents a general theory of how the interaction of state agents within intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) leads to a convergence in member state interests over time. The theory is based on the notion that, all else being equal, IGOs that facilitate more interaction between individuals from various states are conducive to greater member state interest convergence over time because there are more opportunities for agents from one or more member states to persuade agents from other member states to accept new ideas that affect how they define their states’ interests. I argue that such persuasion does not necessarily have to involve a shift in state identities but can also involve a diffusion of ideas about cause-and-effect relationships. Also, by focusing on IGOs as structures within which state agents interact, I argue against a narrow focus on socialization defined as the induction of new members into community norms. I present three hypotheses regarding which institutional attributes are conducive to member state interest convergence and test them using an original IGO data set. The findings are supportive of my general theory but provide some interesting support for existing theory that runs counter to one of the hypotheses presented here.     

Beyond Frogs and Scorpions: A Risk‐Based Framework for Understanding Negotiating Counterparts' Ethical Motivations

Managing the flow of valid information is one of the biggest challenges that negotiators face. The high incidence of questionable or unethical negotiating tactics has been well documented, but ways of dealing with the deceptive practices of a counterpart have received comparatively little attention. In this article, we suggest that, in addition to avoidance and confrontation, negotiators typically attempt to manage the unethical tendencies of their counterparts through twelve neutralizing approaches. These approaches are based on four types of perceived risk that counterparts often consider when deciding whether to use ethically ambiguous negotiation tactics: risks to immediate or short‐term goals/tasks; risks to immediate or short‐term relationship(s); risks to future or long‐term goals/tasks; and, risks to future or long‐term relationships. By applying expectancy theory, resource dependency theory, social identity theory, and social network theory to this framework, we have developed propositions related to these twelve neutralizing approaches. We also discuss the opportunities and challenges related to evaluating these propositions in future research.     

Diplomatic communication theory: Signals,channels, networks

The analysis of international or diplomatic communication is approached at three levels: channels (viz, dyads), signals‐messages (viz. international events‐intents), and networks (viz. international systems). Diplomatic channel theory utilizes an interpretation of the classical Shannon‐Weaver communication model and outlines a statistical information analysis of international events signals with empirical examples. Analysis of international mediation suggests several counterintuitive problems in information processing at the channel level. Diplomatic network theory distinguishes between three different communication structures: one‐to‐one, one‐to‐group, and one‐to‐subgroup. Each communication structure at the network level has characteristic complexity and channel requirements. The presence of nonlinear phenomena at both channel and network levels is emphasized, as well as asymmetries between conflict and cooperative interactions at the signal level.     

新现实主义视野下的东亚地区主义发展路径

作为主流的国际关系理论,新现实主义也被运用于地区层面,成为很多国内外学者阐释东亚地区主义的主要理论范式之一。在新现实主义者看来,东亚国家对于均势体系或结构的追逐由来已久,无论是东盟的成立,大国平衡战略的实践,还是由于中国崛起而引发的"中国威胁论"以及中日之间的矛盾和竞争等都彰显了东亚地区结构的不断变动,显示出东亚地区国家间追逐权力平衡的过程。     

Empathy and Strategic Interaction in Crises: A Poliheuristic Perspective

Empirical evidence supports the poliheuristic (PH) theory of decision making, which states that leaders typically employ a two-stage non-compensatory decision-making process. In stage one leaders reject options that do not meet some minimum criteria of acceptability on one or more dimensions, and in stage two they choose among the remaining options using a more rational utility-maximizing rule. While PH theory has primarily been applied at the monadic level, to explain the process and content of states' decisions, we contend it has important implications for strategic interaction and can help to explain outcomes in world politics. Specifically, we argue that a crucial variable shaping crisis outcomes is the degree to which leaders' non compensatory decision criteria in stage one include options' acceptability to the opponent. When leaders empathize with their opponent and screen out those options the opponent considers unacceptable, crises will be resolved more quickly and with a lower likelihood of escalation. Empathy introduced during the second, utility-maximizing stage, may also dampen conflict but is less effective than stage one empathy. We illustrate this dyadic non compensatory model by examining two cases involving the U.S.–China and U.S.–Iraq bilateral relationships.     

20世纪美国的文化渗透与苏联剧变

苏联解体与美国的文化渗透存在着因果关系。在思想源头上推行意识形态弱化论、在文化源头上动摇传统俄语语言规范、在学术研究上推动全球化理论问题研究热潮、在大众生活领域抢占文化生活空间、在国家政治策略上实施非暴力政权更迭战略，是美国对苏联文化渗透的主要手段和表现形式。其突出特点是形式温和、手段细腻、影响广泛、过程持久、途径便捷、外呼内应。     

The Interface between Western and Indigenous Signs in Zanu-PF Advertisements for July 2013 Elections

ABSTRACT

Political contestation in Zimbabwe post-2000 has been largely acrimonious. In the electoral domain of the epoch, political advertising, has been one of the key tools through which this contestation took place. However, these advertisements have been barely studied and those that have made an attempt to study them did not examine them from advertising theory and/or sign theory perspective. The study argues that locating the analysis of political advertisements in advertising theory and sign theory presents an opportunity to gain insights into how political products gain sign value, exchange value and utility value. The study deploys advertising theory and sign theory to examine the value that selected indigenous and Western signs used by the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) invest in the political products: ZANU-PF and Mugabe. By interrogating four purposively selected signs in ZANU-PF advertisements for the July 2013 elections, I seek to establish how political products are produced as signs and signs as political products. The selected signs are subjected to semiotic analysis. The findings show that ZANU-PF's use of these valorised Western and indigenous, often contradictory, signs is designed to appeal to votes on the basis that it is a democratic, divine anointed, Christian and African-oriented party.     

上海与圣彼得堡两市居民的地缘政治关系认同

一个国家民众偏好某个国家与否的选择,反映了一个国家的国民意识和社会意愿,是民族认同的组成部分。民众对其他国家的看法和态度,既是对其他国家看法和态度的社会情绪和社会舆论的晴雨表,也是一个国家现行外交政策和外交活动实际状况的一种反映。对上海和圣彼得堡两市居民的实地调查,客观展示了中俄两国在社会转型时期,从社会禁锢走向社会开放的过程中,两国民众对与不同国家合作的评价和意愿。中俄两国民众对两国之间的相互合作均给予很积极的评价,但在中俄关系积极向上发展的过程中还存在许多不尽如人意之处。中俄两国应不断增进了解,使"睦邻友好"成为两国民众的广泛共识和自觉行为。     

Of ‘witch's brews’ and scholarly communities: the dangers and promise of academic parrhesia

In a series of lectures in the early 1980s, Michel Foucault resurrected the Greek word for frankness or truth-telling—‘parrhesia’—to investigate the inter-relationships and tensions that existed between freedom, truth-telling and political power. He concluded that in order for one to ‘tell the truth’ against a powerful superior, one needs the courage to oppose a community of which the parrhesiastes (‘truth teller’) is a member. This paper uses parrhesia to investigate the practice of the international relations (IR) scholar in speaking out against his or her scholarly community. Tony Smith's 2007 book Pact with the devil is used as an example of academic-intellectual parrhesia not only to illustrate the content of a potential form of parrhesia, but to demonstrate the challenges IR scholars who wish to practise academic parrhesia face in criticizing members of their academic community. Smith's critique of democratic peace theory specifically, and liberal IR theory more generally, is particularly noteworthy considering Smith's former position as a leading liberal proponent. The paper reviews, and then supplements and extends, Smith's critique of democratic peace theory.