关于党政分开的几个理论问题

十三大报告对于党政关系作了一系列重要论述,最近,不少地方和单位进行了认真的学习和有益的探讨。在学习过程中,看法不尽一致,提法未必准确,一时是难以避免的。在这里,就近来学习中提出的有关党政分开的几个理论问题,谈点个人的看法。一、必须弄清党的执政地位与执政方式的区别有的同志提出,党政分开后,执政党的地位是否改变了?党是否还叫执政党?要回答这个问题,必须弄清党的执政地位与执政方式的区别。政党是近代资本主义的产物,是近代政治生活中普遍的,又是极其重要的政治现象。所谓政党,它都有明确的政治目标,而最终都是为了夺取政权,保持政权,即执掌政权。由政党来领导和执掌国家政权的制度叫政党制度,这也是近代国家普遍的、又是极其重要的政治制度。资产阶级的政党制度,就是通过议会选举或总统选举,由资产阶级政党轮流执政,联合执     

列宁对共产党执政方式的探索

列宁在领导俄共(布)执政的过程中,围绕共产党执政方式进行了探索:提出俄共(布)可以与其他政党实行多党合作;党应通过苏维埃机关对国家政权实行总的领导;要明确党政职责,实行党政职能分开;执政党要重视法制在国家管理中的作用,并在宪法和法律的范围内活动.     

对党的领导方式和执政方式的理解——基于党政分开和依法执政的视角

党的执政是党对国家政权机关的执掌和运作，是党与国家政权机关关系即党政关系的展开，党在这个空间内的行为．直接决定着政党与国家的关系，也决定着国家与社会的若系。党的执政要实现领导和支持人民当家作主的政治目标．必须正确地处理党政关系，这是在创建党的科学执政方式过程中实现党的执政、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一的关键环节。     

如何优化政治运行机制?--兼评介施九青著《当代中国政治运行机制》

施九青的<当代中国政治运行机制>具有重大理论创新意义和应用价值.它开创性地提出了构建"纵横四位一体"("纵",即中央、省地市县乡、基层单位、个人;"横",即政党、国家政权、社会团体、经济文化组织)的政治运行机制体系的设想.在当代中国,完善、优化政治运行机制,核心问题是理顺民权、政权、党权的关系,克服苏联模式的弊端,实行党政分开、政企分开,既坚持又完善共产党的领导,进一步发挥多党合作与人民政协的作用,真正实现人民当家作主.     

对改革和完善党的执政方式的思考

执政方式是在一定政党制度条件下 ,政党执掌或参与国家政权的制度性规定或具有法律效力的习惯形式。在新的历史条件下 ,我党的执政环境发生了很大的变化 ,迫切需要改革和完善党的执政方式。这就要坚持和把握党的领导主要是政治、思想和组织领导 ,要完善共产党领导的多党合作与政治协商制度 ,要增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础 ,要实行依法治国与以德治国相结合的治国方略。     

执政体制:概念、结构和特征

构建科学的执政体制,是党的执政能力建设的重要内容,是实现科学执政的基础条件。党的执政体制就是党在执政过程中政党、国家和社会政治团体之间政治权力的配置、设置及其形成的规章制度和行为规范的总和。党的执政体制结构指党与其他政治主体之间所形成的政治关系体系,包括党与国家政权的关系、党与民主党派的关系、党与人民群众的关系等。党的执政体制具有阶级性、整体性、动态性的特征。     

关于正确处理党政关系的几个问题

所谓党政关系,亦即作为阶级之组织的政党与国家政权的关系。如何正确处理党政关系,不仅是政治科学研究的一个重要理论问题,而且是国家政治生活中一个重要的实践问题。由于党政关系是一个内容丰富、范围广泛的研究领域,所以,本文只准备就正确处理无产阶级专政体系中的党政关系的几个问题谈些粗浅的认识。一正确处理党政关系的意义众所周知,无产阶级专政体系是由一系列各不相同的组织和机构所组成的。在这个体系中,不同的组织和机构具有着不同的职能,发挥着不同的作用。党和国家政权在这个体系中则居特别重要的地位,——党是该体系的领导核心;国家政权是无产阶级专政的直接表现。因此,能否正确处理党政关系,不仅关系到党的领导能否真正实现和国家政权的职     

“党政分开”的科学涵义

党政不分、以党代政是中国政治生活中的重要现实。长期以来,由于我们得倡党的“一元化”领导,什么事情都要党来作指示,作决定,否则不能办。在以夺取政权为目标的革命战争年代,这种做法,即实行党的集中统一的“一元化”领导,是有必要的。但是,在社会主义建设时期,工作、任务、问题愈来愈复杂,党的“一元化”领导、党政一分、以党代政的弊端就愈来愈暴露出来了。党的十三大提出要进行政治体制改革,而实行党政分开是政治体制改革的首要关键。那么,什么是党政分开呢?在这一问题上,现在存在着种种不同理解。有人认为,党政分开就是指党的?记不兼任政府的行政首长,只要这样做了,党政就分开了;有人认为,实行党政分开,是指党不再参与国家政权的建设了,对政府管理的各种事务,党也不再作决定了;还有人认为,中国共产党是执政党,党在国家政治生活中的领导作用是不能改变的,实行党政分开根本就不可能。为了实行党政分开,推选中国的政治体制改革,建设社会主义的民主政治,我们有必要从一些基本理论问题谈起,分清什么是党,什么是政府,它们在国家和社会生活中起怎样的作用,这样,我们就可以从理论上弄清党政分开的科学涵义。     

中外党政关系比较与中国党政关系的现实思考

党与国家政权的关系是中国社会最基本、最重要的政治关系。本文从中外比较的角度，剖析了苏共在处理党政关系上的教训，介绍了西方一些政党在处理党与国家政权关系上的有益做法，回顾了我们党处理党政关系的历史，提出建构符合社会主义法治精神、具有中国特色党政关系的一些现实思考。     

理顺党和国家政权法理关系改革完善党的执政体制的思考

党和国家政权的法理关系是国家政治生活中最活跃、最普遍、最重要的社会关系.党和国家的法理关系是,党作为领导党,对国家政权行使领导权,指引国家政治生活沿着正确的方向发展;党作为执政党,具有执掌国家政权包括立法、行政、司法的全面的权力,党的执政权是通过人民代表大会制度的政体形式取得的.根据党和国家政权的法理关系,改革和完善党的执政体制,应该建立党直接执政和间接执政相结合的执政体制.这样的执政体制是符合宪政所规定的党和国家政权的法理关系,体现了党的执政能力建设、国家政权建设与党的执政规律的统一.     

欧洲议会党团:一种特殊的政党组织

新世纪以来,为研究“共产党的执政规律”,有关政党问题的论著相继问世,其中不少论著涉及西欧政党问题。但能够既系统又简要且具学术性地反映出政党发源地——西欧国家冷战后政党基本状况的论著并不多见。本组笔谈力图达到这个目的。     

A Party of a Different Color? Race,Campaign Communication,and Party Politics

Although studies have examined the contents of party images and the impact of those images on candidate evaluations, we do not have an understanding of the conditions that lead to party image change. In this article, I examine the impact of racialized campaigns on perceptions of individuals' party images. Moreover, I explore the factors that mediate the campaigns' effects. I argue that the success of a strategy's ability to alter party images depends on the strength of the individuals' extant party images. Using the 2000 Republican National Convention as a case study, I find that party images are indeed malleable. Further, I find that race, party identification, and education mediate party image change.     

Party Sub-Brands and American Party Factions

Scholars and pundits have long noted the dominance of the American two-party system, but we know relatively little about new, endogenous institutions that have emerged within the two major parties. I argue that ideological factions provide party sub-brands, which allow legislators to more precisely define their partisan type and capture faction-specific resources. To support this claim, I analyze new data on nine ideological factions in the House of Representatives (1995–2018). I find that (1) faction voting is distinct, suggesting a product ripe for party sub-branding, and (2) joining a faction changes the ideological composition of a candidate's donor base—conditional on the strength of the faction's institutions. Party sub-branding is effective only when factions possess organizational features that induce coordinated and disciplined position taking (e.g., whips, PACs, membership restrictions). These results suggest that, even within highly polarized parties, American political ideology is more than a dichotomous choice, and factions target niche markets of political donors as a means of blunting financial instruments of party power.     

From a Contingent Party System to Party System Convergence? Mapping Party System Change in Postwar Finland

The current imperative in journal articles of presenting new data and new 'theory' has largely been at the expense of new interpretations and 'big picture' analyses. This article proceeds from the failure of the comparative politics literature, from Sartori to Evans and Green-Pedersen, to grasp the essential dynamics of the Cold War Finnish party system and the curious absence of Finnish studies of the significant legislative party system change occurring thereafter. Following a critique of Green-Pedersen's notion of 'party system implosion' as applied to Finland, the article depicts a shift from the contingent party system of the Cold War era, when exogenous veto players formed institutional barriers to office-seeking parties, to the present convergent party system where most, if not all parties compete for, and converge on, the centre ground and cooperate interchangeably in governing coalitions without significant deviations in the main lines of public policy.     

Measuring the Extent of Party Institutionalisation: The Case of a Populist Entrepreneur Party

The consensus among Finnish commentators is that the True Finn Party (PS), which grew dramatically to become the second largest electoral party in 2011, is an institutionalised party – that is, it is ‘here to stay’. Although led for virtually the whole of its 19-year existence by Timo Soini, the PS, unlike say Berlusconi’s Forza Italia and Popolo Della Libertà, is not viewed as a ‘personal party’ in which its expected lifespan is dependent on the political lifespan of its founder-leader. But how institutionalised really is it and when can a party be said to be institutionalised? Building on the syndrome of properties widely ascribed to the process in the literature, the theoretical contribution of this article is to provide a composite definition and the first systematic operationalisation of the notion of party institutionalisation. The empirical section measures the extent of party institutionalisation using the populist-entrepreneur True Finn Party as a test case whilst the concluding discussion considers the wider question of the conceptual utility of institutionalisation for the analysis of party change.     

党建新领域的开拓与执政能力的提升--略论中国共产党在"两新"组织党建工作的创新

随着中国改革开放向纵深发展,如何有效推进"两新"组织党建工作,进一步巩固党执政的阶级基础和群众基础,是执政的中国共产党在不断提升自身执政能力过程中面临的崭新课题.新世纪新阶段,有效提升党在新领域的执政能力,全面加强和推进"两新"组织党建工作,必须把理论创新和实践创新放在突出的位置,敢于和善于走前人没有走过的路;必须在基层党组织设置原则、党组织的地位作用、党的工作方法与手段等问题上作全新的思考和探索.这也是我们党顺应时代发展要求、全面提升自身执政能力的现实需要.     

Towards a New Typology of Party Lifespans and Minor Parties

Minor and new parties tend to be forgotten by analysts of parties and party systems. Good as well as bad reasons account for this neglect. The neglect ought, however, to be remedied, since it can be argued that minor, and especially new minor, parties play an important role in the transformation of party systems.
On the basis of a 'broad' definition of the concept of political party it is suggested that it is worthwhile to look upon parties as mortal organizations bounded by a lifespan. The lifespan of a party can be described by means of four threshold concepts, and it is further argued that lifespan curves can be studied in terms of their modality, dispersion, flatness, and skewness.
A number of questions are derived from these concepts. A new typology of minor parties and of party lifespans may be generated from this approach.     

People, Place and Party: Describing Party Activism

The aim of this article is to present a structure for the historical study of party activism. Based on research carried out on the activities of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) between 1884 and 1911, the article puts forward the case that current understandings of that organisation should be reassessed to include the notion of the 'political journeys' of the activists. Instead of focusing exclusively on ideology, the article suggests that other poles or features such as locality and collective biography should be used. If the organisation is viewed from a wider perspective and with a longer exposure time, then, this article argues, a clearer picture presents itself.     

Responsible Party Government in a World of Interdependence

This article opens up the closed model of the responsibility of a national government to its national electorate by adding constraints on its capacity to enact effective economic, national security and political policies. These constraints come from policy interdependence. The European Union exerts a denationalising influence through the Council, a multinational effect through the European Parliament, and the eurozone is designed as a transnational technocracy. Intergovernmental institutions spanning continents add further constraints. The result is a growing gap between the efforts of a national government to deliver outputs that match the preferences of voters and a reduction in the capacity of national electorates to hold accountable institutions outside their country that have a major impact on national outcomes. The conclusion considers three prospective possibilities: a growing frustration with a policy-irrelevant rotation of parties in office; institutional reform at the supranational level; and a learning process in which a recognition of the constraints of interdependence leads to a change in expectations.