Die Koordination von Raumplanung und Verkehrspolitik in urbanen Räumen der Schweiz: Determinanten der politischen Geographie,der politischen Kultur oder der institutionellen Struktur?

Der Beitrag befasst sich mit den exogenen Bestimmungsfaktoren der Koordination raumwirksamer Politiken anhand der vier Agglomerationen von Basel, Bern, Lausanne und Genf. Ein Vergleich von entsprechenden Outcomes zeigt markante Unterschiede zwischen den vier Städten. Nach einer kurzen Kritik der Binnenorientierung gängiger Governance-Ansätze werden die drei exogenen Erklärungsansätze der politischen Geographie, des Institutionalismus und der politischen Kultur in vier Thesen beschrieben. Deren Exploration weist die Wichtigkeit von Kontextvariablen bei der Untersuchung von Ressourcen-Regimen aus. So ist eine Abhängigkeit der inhaltlichen Koordination von soziokulturellen, geographischen und historischen Faktoren auszumachen. Dagegen ist der Zusammenhang mit der Einschätzung der institutionalisierten Koordination nicht eindeutig, was die Vermutung nahelegt, dass im Falle der prozeduralen Koordination die endogenen Faktoren stärkere Erklärungskraft besitzen und die Regime Analysis mithin das geeignetere Mittel zu ihrer Untersuchung darstellt.     

Die Bewältigung wirtschaftlicher Unsicherheit. Zum Pragmatismus der Soziologie der Konventionen

In which way exactly is the New French Pragmatic Sociology pragmatic? The specific “pragmatic anthropology” of the French Convention School is based on two theoretical concepts: The concept of the reality test and the concept of change between regimes of action. It is argued that the pragmatic quality of the reality test depends on the concept of change between regimes of action. This argument is situated in an examination of the historical pragmatism of William James and John Dewey and is then methodically demonstrated by an economic sociological case study on CO₂-trading. The concept of change between regimes of action allows the observation of peoples’ movements between the public and the private in order to resolve the inescapable uncertainty of the collective situation. In doing so, the French Convention School enhances the understanding of economic action and the paradoxical processes of order.     

Zur Europäisierung der Handlungs- und Einstellungshorizonte: Ein makrosoziologischer Vergleich der EU-Mitgliedstaaten

Building on the transactionalist paradigm in the tradition of Karl W. Deutsch as well as on Arndt Sorge’s theory of tiered social spaces, this study examines why everyday actions and attitudes are more centered on Europe (i.?e. “Europeanized”) in some EU member states than in others. Analyzing a variety of survey data on the EU-27 countries with partial correlation models, it is shown that the macro-level determinants of Europeanization differ between actions and attitudes. While actions are more Europe-centered in small and affluent countries, attitudes are more Europe-centered in post-communist states as well as in countries that are located in the geographical center of the EU and that do not have a protestant religious tradition. Contrary to transactionalist theory, the Europeanization of actions does not coincide with the Europeanization of attitudes: “doing Europe” and “feeling Europe” do not go hand in hand.     

Stand der chinesisch－deutschen ZusammenarbeitinderBerufsbildung

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Die Vereinigung der Freunde der Tongji-Universitt e.V.und die Tongji-Universitt

In der vorliegenden Arbeit dokumentiert der Geschftsführer der Vereinigung der Freunde der Tongji-Universitt e.V.den Entstehungs-und Entwicklungsprozess der Vereinigung sowie ihren Beitrag zur Tongji-Universitt und zum Bildungs-und Kulturaustausch zwischen China und Deutschland.     

Die strafpreussen: Mecklenburg und der bund der deutschen absolutistischen fürsten, 1648–1719

SUMMARY

It is the common opinion of Whig historians, and not a few recent revisionists, that James VII and II undermined the parliamentary cultures of England and Scotland before the revolution of 1688–89. At the extreme end of this approach he is declared to have usurped parliamentary authority in a drive for absolute power. Some of this is now seen as rhetorical exaggeration but James certainly developed a particular understanding of the power of parliaments in relation to monarchy. In some respects this was a return to a late medieval Stewart and Tudor outlook, that of James V of Scotland and Henry VIII of England, which saw parliaments as the personal vehicles of royal authority. The difficulty for James, of course, was that the Scottish and English Parliaments had become ‘modernized’ over the seventeenth century, growing a strong sense of independence and legitimacy as representative institutions. In this essay both the practical engagement James had with Scottish affairs and his philosophical opinions as revealed in his own writings will be explored in an attempt to better define this monarch's view of the Scottish Parliament and its workings. Through this, his reactions to the notions of unionism and nationalism will become more apparent.     

Zwischen „der Eurokratie“ und „den Leuten“: Zum Problem der professionellen Vermittlung von Europapolitik

EU politics is strongly shaped by the activities of experts and professional actors with special knowledge of EU-specific rules, standards, semantics and institutional procedures. These EU professionals serve as important transmitters and brokers of European affairs in national contexts. They bundle and represent interests, provide information on EU policy proposals or support local and national organizations in their attempts of obtaining EU funding. In this way, these specialized actors have an important intermediary position between the “Eurocracy” and national citizenries as well as local addressees of EU policymaking. Building on classical and contemporary sociological discussions on the problem of professionalization in politics and on interview data the article analyzes the activities of these actors and scrutinizes what particular practices and strategies of interest mediation and policy transfer look like. What types of transmission and mediation can be found? Can EU professionals really be regarded as mediators and transmitters between European and local interests, or should they rather be seen as a relatively closed and self-referential group of specialists using their special competences mainly for their own sake and for positioning themselves within closed expert circles? Which difficulties and limitations can be seen with regard to practices and strategies of mediation in contemporary EU affairs?     

Über Sklaverei,Rassismus und die Segmentierung der Gesellschaft. Tocquevilles Analyse sozialer Ausgrenzung in der Demokratie

In Democracy in America, Alexis de Tocqueville gives an explanation why the liberation of slaves was promoted in the northern states of the US in the Jackson era and why, nevertheless, the overwhelming majority of the blacks still remained excluded from society. He thoroughly describes the different forms of social distinction that enabled the Whites to maintain social hierarchies, even if the legal barriers fall. Not only privileges, educational differences and lifestyles create social hierarchies, but also language, taste and an awareness of tradition. Tocqueville clarifies these manners of boundary making on a concrete example: the attitude of the white Americans towards labor. The paper presents Tocqueville’s differentiated picture of those hidden social mechanisms that preserved and even intensified the existing social differences.     

Parlament und Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit in der österreichischen Monarchie

SUMMARY

In this article Maria Sofia Corciulo discusses the dissolution of the recently elected ‘Chambre introuvable’ by Louis XVIII, following his second restoration in 1815. The king had been completely surprised by the outcome of the elections, which returned an ultra-royalist majority. This put severe pressure on the king and his ministers who were committed to moderate, conciliationist policies, in which they were supported and pressured by the representatives of the Allied powers. The Ultras found themselves in confrontation with the ministers and policies of the king. This created a paradox, in that the Ultras, who wished to reinstate features of the ancien régime, could only do so by imposing parliamentarianism on the king, and use their majority to force him to change his ministers and adopt policies that they knew he opposed. On the other hand, the king felt he could only save the liberal constitutional values, which he and the ministers considered necessary if civil war was to be avoided, by a dissolution of the Chamber, for which there was no clear constitutional justification. The article discusses whether Louis XVIII, by his dissolution, which his critics claimed was a coup d'état, in fact secured the future of liberal constitutional government in France.     

Die 195 in der Weltwirtschaft neuentstandenenFaktorenundihreEinflüsseaufChina

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Kommunale Repräsentation auf den Landtagen Schwäbisch-Österreichs. Eine Prosopograhie der Abgeordneten aus der Grafschaft Hohenberg und der Landvogtei Schwaben,Schriften zur Südwestdeutschen Landeskunde

Anthony Fletcher: Reform in the Provinces: The Government of Stuart England. (Yale University Press, 1986; pp.xiv, 386; ISBN 0521 330637; £22.00.)

J.C.D. Clark: Revolution and Rebellion: State and Society in England in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. (Cambridge University Press, 1986; pp.x, 182; ISBN 0521 33710 0; pb, £6.95 ($9.95.))

J.M. McEwen (ed.): The Riddell Diaries, 1908–1923. (The Athlone Press, London and Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1986; pp. xviii, 430; ISBN 0 485 11300 7; £25.00.)     

?Klassengesellschaftlichkeit�� nach dem Ende der Klassengesellschaft?

The new attention for (long time ??invisible??) social classes is related to an increase in the inequalities between rich and poor. Especially in Germany it seemed that (reinforced by sociological theories) the class structures were replaced by a ??middle-class society?? (Helmut Schelsky), by individualized social positions (Ulrich Beck) or by varying milieus. However, the class structures are also made invisible statistically. The structural role of the persisting dominant (even if often not experienced directly)??the distribution of the ownership of means of production??is manifested in the economic growth imperative, in the increasing concentration of capital, in the application of capitalist principles in other social contexts and in limited agency of non-economic fields, especially in politics. The existence of classes??contrary to popular perceptions??requires neither a collective class consciousness or class struggles, nor is it explained by the mere fact of social inequalities. A theoretical socio-economic analysis of the production and appropriation of values as a basic theory of social inequality is still missing.     

An den Grenzen der Demokratie – Citizenship und Flucht

Current diagnoses of the crisis of democracy mostly refer to a specific type of mass democracy as it was characteristic of the second half of the 20th century. Its political space is the nation state. The presence of refugees in receiving countries now raises the basic democratic question: How can people participate in political decisions that determine their own living conditions? Refugees, lacking citizenship status, hardly have any formal political influence. The article discusses the relationship between democracy, citizenship, and forced migration in three steps. First, it presents the core arguments of the current debates on the crisis of democracy and outlines the main characteristics of democratic welfare capitalism. Thereupon, it analyzes current transformations of citizenship with regard to forced migration. It will be shown that citizenship is differentiated in the course of transnationalization and economization processes. Finally, the paper shows that potentials for democratization become visible when refugees come into view as “activist citizens” who politicize and scandalize the discrepancies between moral and legal norms as well as the limitations of democracy.     

Bewertungskonstellationen. Theoretische Überlegungen zur Soziologie der Bewertung

The article discusses central research questions currently prevailing in the sociology of valuation. It argues that the perspective of “methodological situationalism”, which currently dominates within valuation studies, overemphasizes “moments” of valuation, and thus ignores trans-situational forces, which are highly consequential in processes of valuation. On the basis of this diagnosis, the article puts forth the concept of “valuation constellations” which allows observing valuations’ transsituativity in a systematical manner. The concept distinguishes different positions – valuee, valuator, and audience – and emphasizes the relevance of their relations in shaping valuations. Moreover, the article underscores that valuation constellations always unfold against the background of trans-situationally valid rules as well as technological infrastructures operating on a trans-situational level. Ultimately, the concept facilitates new research questions for the sociology of valuation.     

Gewalt in Ordnungskonflikten als Problem der erklärenden Soziologie

The article argues that the uprisings during the Arab Spring as well as the riots in either the banlieues of French cities or in London have to be considered as violent conflicts that pose a serious threat to the social orders in which they emerge. These different kinds of social resistance have in common that they communicate more or less developed alternative conceptions of social orders that challenge what has been considered legitimate so far. Until now, sociology has neither successfully explained such kinds of conflicts nor the way they are triggered. Therefore, the article discusses crucial problems of a sociology of violence, i.e. violence as term and concept, theoretical and methodological deficits and, finally, assumptions about the role of violence in conflict-ridden processes of modernization and civilization in general. The article argues that a sociology of violence should concentrate on the nexus of social order and violence in order to explain how and why violent conflicts emerge in specific social contexts. Thus, a sociology of violence should take an effort to reconstruct the crucial social mechanisms that underlie the dynamics of emerging violence in processes of production and reproduction of social order.     

Behinderung als Feld wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Politik — eine Systematisierung der Behindertenpolitik

Für die Nachhaltigkeit von Wohlfahrtsstaaten ist Behindertenpolitik aufgrund ihres großen Anteils an den Sozialbudgets von großer Bedeutung. Die Erkenntnisse zu Behindertenpolitik und deren Wirkungen sind im Verhältnis zur ökonomischen Bedeutung jedoch — trotz verstärkter Forschung in den letzten Jahren — gering. Gründe hierfür sind vor allem der Charakter von Behindertenpolitik als Querschnittsaufgabe in verschiedenen Sicherungssystemen und die Schwierigkeit der Objektivierung der sozialen Kategorie Behinderung. In dem Artikel werden die unterschiedlichen Ziele und Funktionen sowie das breite Spektrum an Aufgaben im Bereich der Behindertenpolitik vorgestellt. Um in der Fülle von Leistungen und Rechten Strukturen erkennen zu können, wird in Abgrenzung zu realtypischen Ordnungen eine Typologie entwickelt, deren Idealtypen sich an den Verteilungskriterien von David Miller (needs, deserts, rights) orientieren. Um den Charakter der Typen herauszuarbeiten, werden ihnen Eigenschaften und sozialpolitische Ausformulierungen zugewiesen. Auf dieser Basis können nationale Behindertenpolitiken als Policymix aus den drei Idealtypen beschrieben und miteinander verglichen werden.     

Die Ausbildung bäuerlicher Landschaften im Raum der Eidgenossenschaft

Summary

The Development of Peasant Communities in the Helvetic Confederation

Traditional Swiss historiography saw the history of the cantons as a fight by burghers and peasants for freedom against feudal rule. More recently this black and white picture has been modified by showing that the urban cantons, notably Bern, Zurich and Lucerne, pursued a traditional city‐state policy of territorial expansion and subjection of the peasantry. This picture, in its turn, is now being shown as too extreme since it does not account for the development of the Swiss Confederation and for its evident attraction to communities beyond its borders. A study of the Oberland of Bern shows that, especially in the fifteenth and the early sixteenth century, village and peasant communities were able to get rid of serfdom and acquire from their local feudal lords extensive rights of self‐government and judicial authority, with a displacement of feudal law by common law (Landgesetz). The city of Bern supported these developments. While more detailed studies are required for other parts of Switzerland, it looks as if this development may well have been common.     

31. Kongress der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie vom 7. bis 11. Oktober 2002 an der Universität Leipzig

Mitteilungen und Berichte