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1.
中菲南海争端不仅直接冲击了菲华社会,也将其推向了紧张、对立的社会舆论之中。面对“中菲对立”主流话语的压制,菲华社会以华人报纸为依托,在“话语”和“行动”两大面向的舆论引导中逐渐超越主流叙事。通过构建“中菲对话”的话语体系,进行话语牵引,菲华社会在中菲关系的认识问题上实现了对主流话语的纠偏;同时,在“中菲共赢”的实践指向下,菲华社会以密切的经贸和人文往来实现了主流话语的转向。“主题再造”的舆论引导是菲华社会在新的历史条件下为改善自身处境、推动中菲关系发展所探索的新路径,对中国南海主张国际传播体系的构建具有重要的参照意义。  相似文献   

2.
习近平总书记在统筹推进新冠肺炎疫情防控和经济社会发展工作部署会议上的重要讲话,引发社会各界热烈反响。习近平总书记指出,在确保疫情防控到位的前提下,推动非疫情防控重点地区企事业单位复工复产,恢复生产生活秩序,关系到为疫情防控提供有力物质保障,关系到民生保障和社会稳定,关系到实现全年经济社会发展目标任务,关系到全面建成小康社会和完成“十三五”规划,关系到我国对外开放和世界经济稳定。  相似文献   

3.
防控疫情,这场没有硝烟的战争一打响,我省各级人大代表纷纷上阵:他们坚守岗位,积极履职,这组小故事展现了人大代表战“疫”特有的风采。王莹:为抗疫贡献“金点子”。1月30日,湘潭市人大常委会发出慠信通知,倡议省、市人大代表提交有关疫情防控工作的意见和建议,得到积极响应:其中,市十五届人大代表、湘潭市律师协会会长、湖南湘剑律师事务所律师王莹提交了多件建议,相继被湘潭市委、市人民政府采纳。  相似文献   

4.
曹娜 《人民之友》2020,(4):18-18
当前,疫情防控形势向好,复工复产、存耕备耕、脱贫攻坚战各项工作迫在眉睫。嘉禾县人大常委会迅速调整工作状态、转变工作方式,坚持“战疫”和“战贫”双线作战,坚决夺取疫情防控阻击战、脱贫攻坚收官战双胜利。“既要充分认清当前疫情防控的严峻形势,进一步抓细抓实疫情防控,又要加快推动企业复工复产、春拼生产、脱贫攻坚等关系经济社会发展的重点工作,全力保障经济平稳运行、社会和谐稳定。”窈禾县人大常委会主任邓泽佳在联系的省级贫困村—行廊镇五禾村调研时如是说。  相似文献   

5.
习近平总书记在湖北武汉考察调研新冠肺炎疫情防控工作时指出:"这次新冠肺炎疫情防控,是对治理体系和治理能力的一次大考,要放眼长远,总结经验教训,加快补齐治理体系的短板和弱项,为保障人民生命安全和身体健康筑牢制度防线"。身处抗疫一线的湖北宜昌,在城市基层治理方面有着良好的基础,如何总结借鉴这次这次疫情防控经验.  相似文献   

6.
李星  刘巍 《法国研究》2021,(1):101-112
新冠疫情爆发,中国成为抗疫与舆论的主战场。某些西方主流媒体“抹黑”、“污蔑”和“甩锅”现象激增。本研究采用内容分析法,量化质化相结合的方式,对2020年1月至4月《世界报》308篇涉华疫情报道进行编码分类,归纳总结出四种主要负面形象,囊括社会、经济、国际关系等多个方面,从报刊、记者、意识形态与政治因素等方面探析其原因,知己知彼,以期提升中国国际形象。  相似文献   

7.
德国网络言论自由保护与立法规制及其对我国的启示   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
邢璐 《德国研究》2006,21(3):34-38
随着网络日益成为人们生活中的重要元素,网络言论自由的保护与立法规制也成为法律视野中的重要问题。德国在网络言论自由的保护上延续了宪法对言论自由的保护,但同时颁布了《多元媒体法》进行专门的立法规制。从与美国的网络言论规制比较来看,这是由网络言论的双重属性决定的,也与德国在网络言论保护上的价值取向和传统言论自由保护的方式有关。我国应从此两个方面入手,结合自身特点,实现网络言论自由的保护和立法规制。  相似文献   

8.
在习近平总书记亲自指挥、亲自部署下,中央政府立即采取有效措施,全国人民形成了众志成城抗击疫情的强大力量,防控工作取得阶段性重要成果。这次抗击新冠肺炎疫情,是对国家治理体系和治理能力的一次大考。我们必须痛中思痛、痛中思变,固本强基,进一步优化和提升社会治理能力。  相似文献   

9.
海天 《人民之友》2020,(2):60-61
新冠肺炎疫情的暴发,给民众生命安全带来威胁,也对国家治理和法治工作带来了挑战。疫情防控不只是医药卫生问题,而是全方位的工作。新冠肺炎疫情的防控是极为复杂的社会系统工程,也需要根据法律协调各个领域,统筹各方面资源。这对在法治轨道上统筹推进各项防控工作提出了新的要求。防控措施于法有据,社会才能依法有序。  相似文献   

10.
“各位代表要坚定必胜信心、为民初心、防控决心,真正统一思想、履职担当、带头践行,为打赢疫情防控阻击战贡献人大力量。”新冠肺炎疫情发生以来,宁乡市人大常委会第一时间发出倡议书,2000多名来自各行各业的人大代表迅速行动、全力防控、火速支援,用实际行动守护着群众的生命安全。  相似文献   

11.
延安时期,以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党人高度重视新闻舆论导向工作。本文以毛泽东对发表在延安《解放日报》上一幅漫画的批评、建议以及正确引导为典型案例,梳理出毛泽东如何在当时的时代背景下积极应对舆情、有效引导舆论,进而教育延安文艺家并使其成为自省自觉的革命者的历史脉络,亦借此阐明在新时代把握新闻舆论导向原则的极端重要性。  相似文献   

12.
This report of a public opinion survey on South Africa’s foreign policy did not attempt to gauge South Africans’ knowledge about specific issues in international politics, but rather their underlying attitudes, specifically their foreign policy postures. After providing a brief overview of the scholarly debates about the role of public opinion in foreign policy analysis, we contextualise the nature and methodological approach of the survey. Thereafter we organise the article according to three key themes that illuminate ‘ordinary’ South Africans’ foreign policy postures and how South Africans view their country’s international identity. These themes include, first, debates about what the purpose of our foreign policy should be; second, the country’s international role; and third, who South Africans consider to be our allies and role models. Finally, we distil possible patterns emerging from the survey into a posture that we relate to two concepts: ‘pragmatic internationalism’, and a ‘middle power role’.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

English-language analysis of Chinese foreign policy has often cited nationalist public opinion as a key driver of Beijing’s recent assertive maritime conduct. Yet these important conjectures have not been systematically tested. How can we know whether public opinion has been driving an authoritarian state’s foreign policy? What are some cases in which concern about popular nationalism may have influenced Beijing’s behavior in disputed maritime spaces? To answer these questions, this article constructs a methodological framework for assessing the likely impact of public opinion on particular instances of state action. Applying this to five cases typical of China’s on-water policy in the South and East China Seas since 2007 indicates that popular nationalism has had little to do with China’s assertive turn on its maritime periphery.  相似文献   

14.
The issue of the energy security in social sciences research area is mostly prevalent in political sciences. The sociological research of the issues of energy is rather scarce. The reasons of the lack of concern about sociology of energy security could be related to the specific geopolitical context of post-Soviet states. The energy policy of new democratic post-Soviet states are pressed to reconstruct the entire energy system of former Soviet Union. This is not only technological or political, but maybe, first of all, social issue directly related to the consumption of users of gas and electricity and their prices. The societies and different social groups become an important social actors in the stressful energy policy. There is a lack of attention not only to social determinants of perception of energy security but also a lack of deeper analysis of public opinion in Lithuania. This article aims to improve our understanding of the Lithuanian public perception of energy security. This article focuses on two aspects: (a) An analysis of public opinion on the most important aspects of energy security and the social factors influencing them. The hypothesis is that public perception of energy security is related to value orientations. (b) An analysis of how public opinion on energy policy executed by the government and confidence in the government are intertwined with the concept of energy security.  相似文献   

15.
随着中缅两国友好关系的稳步发展,两国公共卫生安全合作不断深化.新冠肺炎危机爆发以来,中缅积极开展抗疫合作,深化了两国政府和人民对中缅命运共同体的认同,也为两国推进公共卫生安全合作带来新机遇.除了双边合作外,中缅还在中国-东盟、大湄公河次区域经济合作和澜湄合作等区域性合作机制下积极寻求联合抗疫等公共卫生领域的交流与合作,并利用世界卫生组织等国际平台参与全球卫生治理,取得了良好成效.但是,缅甸脆弱的公共卫生体系,中缅边境地区严峻的非传统安全问题,以及缅甸不稳定的社会基础等因素对中缅深化公共卫生安全合作构成了巨大挑战.为此,中国应利用后疫情时代公共卫生安全领域的合作机遇,深入了解缅甸公共卫生体系建设和民众卫生健康的实际需求,进一步拓展双方的合作空间,为中缅公共卫生安全合作创造有利环境.概而言之,中缅应围绕加强信息共享,推进中缅应对传染病联防联控体系常态化建设;注重能力建设,利用多边平台增强缅甸的公共卫生治理能力;加强健康教育,联合开展公共卫生人才培养计划;利用传统优势,充分激发中缅传统医药合作潜能;鼓励多方参与,有效发挥非政府组织在卫生合作中的作用等方面共同努力,从而进一步推动中缅命运共同体建设.  相似文献   

16.
This article relies on a unique survey of Czech millionaires and the general public to probe the nature and extent of the differences in opinions between these two groups and their correspondence with public policy. Its main finding is that millionaires are substantially more right-wing than the public on economic issues and somewhat more internationalist on foreign affairs, though a number of areas of agreement can be found as well, particularly assessments of the problems facing the country. Most surprisingly, the opinions of the public appear more likely to correspond with policy than those of millionaires. These findings have important implications for the rise of populism and the quality of democracy in the Czech Republic.  相似文献   

17.
印尼总统佐科维自2014年10月上台以来,重视与中国发展政治与经贸关系,与中国缔结全面战略伙伴关系。在族群政策方面,他采用公平对待各族裔、各宗教的政策,继续改善包括华人在内的少数族裔的地位,华人的政治参与、经济参与和社会文化权利都有所提升。在此背景下,外界认为印尼华人正处在历史的最佳时期。但在较好的现状和光明的前景下,依然存在影响华人生存状况的隐忧。印尼经济发展疲软、政府控制力偏弱以及歧视华人的社会基础深厚,是造成隐忧频现的原因。如果佐科维政府的经济改革仍不奏效,政府对社会现状持续失控,针对华人的大规模骚乱事件仍将有可能发生。  相似文献   

18.
South Korea is widely considered a consolidated democracy, but there is growing evidence that freedom of expression in South Korea has lagged behind that of comparable Asian countries and that it has deteriorated since 2008. Freedom House downgraded South Korea’s “freedom of the press” status from “free” to “partly free” in 2010 and other international reports also raised concerns on the status of freedom of expression in the country. We identify five problems that have contributed to the deterioration in South Korea’s rankings with respect to civil liberties: abuse of criminal defamation, the rules governing election campaigns, national security limitations on free speech, restrictions related to the internet and partisan use of state power to control the media. We close by considering possible explanations of the phenomenon, ranging from more distant cultural factors and the influence of the Japanese legal systems through the enduring impact of the Cold War. However, the main problems appear political. Governments on both the political right and left have placed limits on freedom of expression in order to contain political opposition, and constitutional, legal and political checks have proven insufficient to stop them.  相似文献   

19.
Public opinion researchers agree that citizens use simplifying heuristics to reach real, stable preferences. In domestic policy, the focus has been on citizens delegating judgement to opinion leaders, notably political parties. By contrast, citizens have been held to deduce foreign policy opinions from their own values or principles. Yet there is ample scope for delegation in the foreign policy sphere. In this exploratory study I use a 'process-tracing' method to test directly for delegation heuristic processing in university students' judgements on the Iranian nuclear issue. A substantial minority sought guidance on foreign policy decisions, either from parties, international actors or newspapers. This was not always simple delegation; some used such heuristics within more complex decision-making processes. However, others relied on simple delegation, raising questions about the 'effectiveness' of their processing.  相似文献   

20.
On 16 September 2016, the Swaziland High Court delivered judgment in the matter between Maseko and Others v Prime Minister of Swaziland and Others [2016] SZHC 180, in which it declared certain provisions of the Suppression of Terrorism Act (2008); and the Sedition and Subversive Activities Act (1938) as unconstitutional. The Declaration followed a constitutional challenge, based on the applicants’ freedom of expression, assembly and association. The judgment was unprecedented in the Swaziland context, given that of the four applicants, three were political activists and one was a Human Rights lawyer. All four have been in frequent collision with the government over their political opinions. Two judges ruled in favour of the applicants, whilst the third one ruled against them. The judgment was a sharp departure from past decisions, where the courts often ruled in favour of the state, leaving many litigants without a remedy. The ruling marked the first time a Swazi court had declared the Swaziland Constitution a living document. However commendable the main judgment, the dissenting opinion raises several constitutional questions that need to be addressed. This article therefore, critically analyses the dissenting opinion of Justice Hlophe, and seeks to demonstrate that his approach is antithetical to constitutionalism, and is irreconcilable with accepted notions of Bill of Rights litigation.  相似文献   

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