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1.
Since the late 1960s the U.S. has attempted to develop a strategy for controlling the rate of growth of health care spending. During the 1970s this strategy relied heavily on various forms of regulation. Some regulatory programs were partially successful in moderating spending increases, but they generated significant opposition--particularly from powerful provider groups, who successfully convinced Congress and the states to dismantle most of the regulatory structure and to substitute various forms of competitive approaches to controlling spending. Some of these competitive strategies have been successful in increasing the efficiency of subsections of our health system. But they too have produced "losers," and the government has been pressured to enter the system to minimize their losses. The net result has been a political stalemate between halfway competitive markets and ineffective regulation. With the rate of health care spending growth near historic levels, it is likely that the 1990s will bring a return to a stronger role for government regulation. But it is unlikely that we are any more willing to tolerate the negative fallout from regulation today than we were in the 1970s, and therefore we predict that the proportion of GNP going to health care will continue to grow throughout the remainder of this century.  相似文献   

2.
Public attitudes toward mental health present an interesting puzzle. While mental health is one aspect of general health and well-being, it receives less support for government spending increases than does health care. One explanation lies with the stigma that is attached to mental illness. This stigma produces more negative attitudes on policy issues related to persons with mental illness such as government spending for mental health. However, group identification, as defined by personal experience or a family member who has experienced a mental illness, may have a strong effect on these attitudes. Using data from the 1996 General Social Survey's module on mental health. I examine this and other hypotheses and find evidence that group identification increases the likelihood of increased support for government spending for mental health. These robust findings exist even in quantitative models, which include politically relevant variables and measure identification with mental illness in two different ways. These findings suggest that mental health is policy for the few because those most supportive of government spending increases are persons who share the common identity of experiencing mental illness.  相似文献   

3.
Since the mid-1970s, the mental health treatment system in the U.S. has faced budgetary famine. This is in stark contrast to the growing cornucopia of fiscal resources enjoyed by the overall health care system. This paper explores the complex reasons for this disproportionate allocation in health spending. On the one hand, mental health may suffer from the perception that its diagnoses are largely "subjective" and its treatments do not fit the traditional "medical model" that can be defined precisely and paid for by third-party insurers. But more importantly, the death of mental health resources can be attributed to the peculiar nature and characteristics inherent in American politics. This paper describes the American political environment, from both a historical and a contemporary perspective, to give some insight into the development of policies affecting the mental health system in the U.S. Given the current climate of fiscal conservatism in this country toward any increases in social spending, it is likely that the profound mismatch in need and spending for mental health programs will continue indefinitely.  相似文献   

4.
Why do some states choose to spend more than four times as much as others to provide health care to the disadvantaged? Political scientists who have traditionally explored this question by analyzing trends in overall Medicaid expenditures lumped states' discretionary spending in with other money that states are mandated to spend. Analyses of total expenditures found that socioeconomic factors drove spending but that party control of state legislatures made no difference in health policy making. By isolating discretionary state Medicaid expenditures from total spending figures, I reexamine the influences of political as well as economic and demographic factors. The often-doubted importance of party control becomes clear. This study investigates spending patterns in the discretionary portions of state Medicaid programs in forty-six states from 1980 to 1993 and analyzes both incremental program changes and absolute differences in state spending. To discover how greatly the researcher's choice of dependent variables can affect results, optional spending is separated from total spending levels and the variation is modeled in both. Focusing not on the spending that the federal government requires of state officials but on the policies that state officials actually choose allows a balanced exploration of both political and economic effects on welfare expenditures. This research also provides new insights about which forces will shape policy decisions if more and more control of the public health care system is devolved to the states.  相似文献   

5.
This article evaluates the legitimacy and degree of inevitability of unequal access to medicine. The author introduces 'fractal inequality' to the access issue by using the term to describe skewed patterns in distributions of income and wealth that lead to reallocative effects of higher spending on health care by the wealthiest that can cascade down the distributive ladder. 'Fractal inequality' is transposed to the U.S. health care sector to explain the trend away from medical need toward ability to pay. The author cautions U.S. policymakers to consider international access problems instead of exacerbating those issues when domestic access to care policies is debated in a vacuum. The author also analyzes some policy proposals designed to reduce inequities in the global trade of medicine.  相似文献   

6.
Theoretical studies have shown that there is a direct relationship between human capital and foreign direct investment (FDI). However, only a few available empirical studies have attempted to investigate this relationship simultaneously. Using country level panel data from 55 developing countries over the 1980–2011 period, this paper examines the interrelationship between FDI and human capital. Statistical analysis, based on simultaneous equations fixed effect estimation, reveals significant bi-directional causality between human capital and FDI, which suggests that FDI and human capital development policies need to be coordinated. FDI-led economic growth models may not be entirely suitable for all developing countries aiming to replicate the economic success of countries such as Brazil and China unless attention is also paid to human capital development through increased spending on education and training.  相似文献   

7.
8.
Differences in health care spending across countries: statistical evidence   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The empirical evidence available for OECD countries suggests that economic factors play a major role and that demographic factors play a minor role in explaining differences in health care spending across countries. When countries are grouped on the basis of their health care systems, some significant cross-country differences result: countries with higher transfer rates (a larger share of collective financing) are not generally characterized by higher health care expenditures, and conversely, countries with a larger share of private financing (including higher coinsurance rates) do not have lower expenditures. Rather, the opposite holds true. Similar conclusions apply to the share of public versus private production of health goods. Furthermore, the results do not support the claims of those critics of universal public insurance systems who consider the expansion of the coverage to be a major source of expenditure growth. These findings cast serious doubt on the claim that cost containment can be achieved via market reforms that rely heavily on direct consumer payments and cost sharing as instruments of financing. A comparative analysis of the historic record of the United States, Canada, and the Federal Republic of Germany generally supports these conclusions; it also suggests that a greater degree of public penetration offers a better chance for control of health spending, particularly in periods of austerity. There is a strong presumption that health care systems relying on some overall control of spending generally are more cost-effective than those relying more on decentralized mechanisms of control. Services are more equitably distributed in relation to health and payment for health services is far more progressive in the former type of system.  相似文献   

9.
This article presents an analysis of recent changes in the public-private mix in health care in eight European countries. The leading question is to what extent a process of privatization in health care can be observed. The framework for the analysis of privatization draws on the idea that there are multiple public/private boundaries in health care. The overall picture that emerges from our analysis is diverse, but there is evidence that health care in Europe has become somewhat more private. The growth of the public fraction in health care spending has come to an end since the 1980s, and in a few countries the private fraction even increased substantially. We also found some evidence for a shift from public to private in health care provision. Furthermore, there are signs of privatization in health care management and operations, as well as investments. Specific attention is spent on the identification of factors that push privatization forward and factors that work as a barrier to privatization.  相似文献   

10.
Underlying today's and the future's health-care reform debate is a consensus that America's health-care financing system is in a slow-moving but deep crisis: care appears substandard in comparison with other advanced industrial countries, and relative costs are exploding beyond all reasonable measures. The Obama Administration's Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) attempts to grapple with both of these problems. One of ACA's key instrumentalities is the Independent Payment Advisory Board-the IPAB, designed to discover and authorize ways to reduce the rate of growth of Medicare and other categories of health spending. The IPAB is a peril. Expert boards to perform regulatory tasks in the interest of efficiency and social goals always run a high risk of being captured by the industry they are supposed to regulate. Even should it succeed at its task of reducing the rate of growth of Medicare spending, who is to say that the reductions will not come at a heavy cost in reduced quantity and effectiveness of medical care? But the IPAB also has promise. The need for a better process than our current specialist-driven one to assign value to the medical services provided by Medicare is great. The bellwether status of Medicare payment systems means that commercial insurance consumers and payors would also benefit mightily from bringing more coherent, technocratic, and cost-effectiveness oriented logic to this process. And the current system of relative Medicare reimbursement rates is, in the judgment of many, currently well out of whack. We quail when we consider the magnitude of the tasks the IPAB faces--even its initial task. Nevertheless, we remain optimistic that this administrative agency will manage to bend the long-run healthcare cost curve and moderate future price increases.  相似文献   

11.
This comment explores whether health care reform legislation establishes an administrative body effectively charged with the rationing of health care resources; insofar as it establishes a presidentially appointed Independent Medicare Advisory Committee (IMAC). IMAC would be charged with "making two annual reports dictating updated rates for Medicare providers including physicians, hospitals, skilled nursing facilities, home health, and durable medical equipment." IMAC's recommendations would be implemented nationally, subject to a Congressional vote. Congress would be granted a thirty-day window to achieve a simple majority for or against the IMAC recommendations. Part I is an introduction. Part II of this article covers the history of American health care. It lays out the federal government's evolving role in the arena of public health and health care, starting in the mid-nineteenth century and continues up to the present day. Part III examines the existing process by which Medicare spending is controlled. This part focuses on the administrative procedures that control Medicare reimbursements. Part IV examines IMAC. This part discusses IMAC's statutory provisions and the administrative transparency laws IMAC would be bound to follow. The close of this part, draws on three analogies as a gauge for how IMAC will operate: Senator Tom Daschle's Federal Health Board (FHB) proposal; the administrative oversight of the Federal Reserve; and the United Kingdom's National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE). Part V creates a snapshot of the U.S. health care system as it operates today. This part emphasizes cost, quality, and accessibility of health care, with comparisons to international and state-run health care systems. Throughout this article there are a number of words, phrases, and agencies that have been given acronyms. For convenience, an index of these acronyms is provided in an appendix following the article.  相似文献   

12.
This Article traces the transition--in Medicare, specifically, and in the American healthcare system, generally--from the aftermath of the Balanced Budget Act of 1997 to the passage of the Medicare Modernization Act of 2003. During this time, restrictive managed care died under an onslaught of resurgent cost pressures, legislative and legal attacks, and a vehement physician and consumer backlash. The subsequent reversion to more generous (and more expensive) health plans coincided with a recession in 2001 to trigger a return to rapidly escalating healthcare spending and yet another in the Nation's series of healthcare crises. Current trends suggest that future policymakers will have no choice but to confront the consequences of rapidly rising rates of healthcare spending.  相似文献   

13.
《Federal register》1993,58(155):43156-43183
This final rule clarifies HCFA's policies concerning provider related donations and health care related taxes. In addition, this final rule revises regulations with regard to disproportionate share hospital spending limitations. This final rule amends an interim final rule that was published in the Federal Register on November 24, 1992. The interim final rule established in Medicaid regulations limitations on Federal financial participation (FFP) in State medical assistance expenditures when States receive funds from provider-related donations and revenues generated by certain health care-related taxes. The interim final rule also added provisions that establish limits on the aggregate amount of payments a State may make to disproportionate share hospitals for which FFP is available. The provisions of the interim final rule were required by the Medicaid Voluntary Contribution and Provider Specific Tax Amendments of 1991.  相似文献   

14.
This article is an attempt to comprehend the bureaucratic phenomenon of the deathwatch, the last 24 hours of a prisoner’s life, stressing the theoretical applications scholars can make to the study of docile bodies on death row. Because years of work are necessary to obtain obedience from condemned inmates, health care professionals lend more than an aura of legitimacy to the capital punishment process. As an integral part of the prison and capital punishment, they provide stability, reliability, and the means to achieve the goals of peaceful executions. The ultimate objective of utilizing health care professionals is the sanitization of penal practice and penal language to effect the complete absence of resistance from the condemned.  相似文献   

15.
Germany created the first national health insurance scheme, and its turbulent history has carried many lessons for all other countries. Health care financing--like all social security financing--redistributes wealth and inevitably is caught up in class politics. Cost-sharing by patients is not a neutral device in social engineering to improve efficiency, but it is a gambit in distributive politics. Health care involves the wealth and power of the doctors, and they become militant and successful forces in social politics. The forces for higher spending are stronger than the forces for restraint. Only exceptional political will be government can control costs.  相似文献   

16.
This article seeks to examine the conflict between non-cost-conscious medical malpractice liability standards and health care cost cutting measures within the context of Accountable Care Organizations ("ACOs") under the new health care reform law. This article begins by providing an overview of the high level of health care spending within the United States health care system in order to provide a context for better understanding policymakers' push for cost cutting measures, including ACOs. This article then examines the tension between cost containment efforts and medical liability standards through an examination of the "stuck in the middle" mentality that physicians face when they are forced to meet both liability standards that do not take into account cost concerns and cost cutting standards imposed by or through managed care organizations, pay-for-performance programs and consumer-driven healthcare. This article then introduces the concept of the ACO and describes elements of the ACOs envisioned under the new health care reform legislation. This article concludes by examining and analyzing whether and how ACOs will exacerbate the cost containment/liability standard tension, and how that tension may impact the effectiveness of ACOs.  相似文献   

17.
The impact of private finance on publicly funded health care systems depends on how the relationship between public and private finance is structured. This essay first reviews the experience in five nations that exemplify different ways of drawing the public/private boundary to address the particular questions raised by each model. This review is then used to interpret aggregate empirical analyses of the dynamic effects between public and private finance in OECD nations over time. Our findings suggest that while increases in the private share of health spending substitute in part for public finance (and vice versa), this is the result of a complex mix of factors having as much to do with cross-sectoral shifts as with deliberate policy decisions within sectors and that these effects are mediated by the different dynamics of distinctive national models. On balance, we argue that a resort to private finance is more likely to harm than to help publicly financed systems, although the effects will vary depending on the form of private finance.  相似文献   

18.
This study explored determinants of perceived need for care among male inmates of general prison wards in Amsterdam (N = 208) with a normative need for care. Also, it assessed the relation between perceived need for care and criminal recidivism. Normative need for care was defined as having a mental health problem, assessed with the Brief Jail Mental Health Screen, or being substance dependent. Perceived need for care was defined as a subjective problem experience and a wish to receive care. Mental health and/or addiction problems were highly prevalent (68%). Of those inmates, only 29% had a perceived need for care. Age and borderline personality disorder were associated with perceived need for care, prior care utilization intermediated these associations. No direct relation between perceived need for care and criminal recidivism was observed. All inmates should be well screened and the benefits of mental health care should be promoted.  相似文献   

19.
政府部门人力资本是体现在公务员身上。通过保健投资、教育投资、职业培训投资等方式开发形成并能为其带来永久收入能力的总和。政府部门人力资本投资必然要求得到回报,因而对公务员收入标准提出了相应的要求:公务员基本工资应体现政府部门人力资本的差异性;建立政府部门人力资本性质的津贴;取消年终一次性奖金,变奖金为可变工资;建立促进政府部门人力资本增长的利益导向机制;健全公务员业绩考评制度。  相似文献   

20.
The "health rights movement" has reconstructed the clinical relationship between health care workers and patients by simultaneously demanding more from traditional medical care and challenging the perceived power differential between doctors and patients by rejecting the paternalistic medical model in favour of an individual patients' rights model. However, the growth in individual expectations of a right to health care creates a potential conflict with the ethics that prioritise public health and guide the rationing of its limited financial and human capital resources. This, in turn, creates a practical dilemma which requires public health institutions to become service orientated while sacrificing their integral role in training and educating the medical workforce and potentially compromising the practical sustainable delivery of public health in Australia. However, the law can play a role in resolving this conflict through legislation, regulations, codes, administrative law and common law in an effort to ensure the quality and future sustainability of public health in Australia.  相似文献   

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