政治稳定视野下中产阶级利益表达的制度分析

利益表达是利益主体向各级公共权力机构或其人员提出利益诉求,希求得到维护和保证的过程。当前我国利益格局复杂化,利益主体多元化,中产阶级作为最庞大的队伍正在崛起,而现有的利益表达制度在整合他们的利益表达行为时出现了一些问题,影响了决策的公正科学和政治的稳定。我们要完善利益表达制度的引导、规范、约束和激励功能,建立完善畅通的中产阶级的利益表达通道。     

美国大学招生“机会公平”吗

在经济全球化和高科技自动化大潮之下,美国最深刻的社会演变,无过于低教育蓝领中产阶级社会经济地位的沉沦.所以美国的社会竞争,日益集中到“教育战线”,而且这一竞争日益超越学校课堂和考试,而进入社会政治领域.     

媒体消费语境中的“中产阶级”幻想——以《名牌》杂志叙述的男性精英形象为例

与传统的女性时尚类杂志紧盯职业女性或女性白领一样,男性时尚杂志也瞄准了中国社会的部分"有品味"人士和新富阶层,即所谓的中产阶级或伪中产阶级,通过精美的广告、成功的人生和奢华的生活方式叙述,传播着特定的消费暗示与阶层梦想.本文以《Mangazine·名牌》杂志为例,着重探讨了这本杂志是如何界定"精英"形象与阶层符号的,揭示了其既有中国式"中产阶级"的幻想,也存在着消费社会必然出现的媒体镜像偏差.成长中的中产阶级与中产读物需要超越消费主义的共谋.     

新加坡的威权政治及其历史走向——基于政治生态系统的分析

在20世纪60年代以来的现代化进程中,新加坡逐渐建立起介于有限极权与有限民主之间的威权主义政治体制.这种威权主义政治体制的形成是新加坡自身独有的政治生态系统中地理、社会、文化、历史、政治等因素综合作用的结果.正因如此,它契合了新加坡的历史和现实需要,对现代化发展起到巨大的推动作用.而随着新加坡经济的发展,中产阶级形成,市民社会兴起,执政党本身也进行了适时的改革,新加坡政治生态系统中的诸多因素发生了重大变化,民主在威权秩序下不断成熟起来.     

新中产阶级的崛起与当代西方社会的变迁

二战结束后，西方社会阶级结构发生了深刻的变化。蓝领工人阶级逐渐衰落，新中产阶级迅速崛起，并成长为主要的职业群体与阶级群体。新中产阶级的崛起使得当代西方社会发生了深刻的变化：在经济方面，工业与服务业的产业结构与劳动者的生产力差异趋于消失，社会贫富差距始终保持在合理的范围；在政治方面，西方社会的阶级矛盾趋于缓和，蓝领工会逐渐衰落，新中产阶级工会与社团组织迅速发展，劳工斗争方式日益呈现出“多元化”的特点。     

对基层检察机关思想政治教育工作的现实思考

解决好当前基层检察机关思想政治教育工作中存在的问题,是一个重要课题。一、转变观念,理性认识思想政治教育工作树立思想政治教育工作先行的理念。态度决定一切。无论领导干部还是一般干警,要切实增强对思想政治教育工作的重视程度,真正把它作为一项基础性的     

思想政治教育工作中的态度问题

本文主要探讨了态度这个概念与思想政治教育的关系,着重谈到在思想政治教育过程中态度所起的作用,分别从对态度概念的解析,以及态度的转变理论两个方面穿插思想政治教育方面的内容来集中讨论。     

关于中国中产阶级定义的思考

本文综述了依据客观指标和主观指标定义中国中产阶级的两种类型。认为各种定义中呈现出忽略相对性、回避阶级意识、忽视背景条件、忽略理论构建方面的意义以及与中间阶层混淆的特点。指出在定义中产阶级时应考量的几个重要因素,在此基础上认提出了中产阶级定义的理论构建。     

中国中产阶级的认同及其整合

1978年改革开放以来,社会结构发生了重大变化,一个新型的群体——中产阶级走上了历史的舞台。作为稳定社会的基础,中产阶级面对着认同危机。如何通过整合＂认同＂来促进中产阶级发展,从而推动社会向＂橄榄形社会＂转变,是本文研究的重点。     

高校隐性德育课程个体发展功能的实现问题研究

思想政治教育个体发展功能的实现对于高校树人育人使命的履行和学生个体的全面健康发展至关重要.探析当前高校德育课程中思想政治教育个体发展功能的实现具有深远的现实意义.本文从当前高校德育课程系统中较为弱势的隐性德育课程方面入手,综合当今学术研究前沿成果,在界定概念的基础上,提出了隐性德育课程中思想政治教育个体发展功能的具体任务,力图阐释隐性德育课程中的思想政治教育个体发展功能实现的客观困境,为如何进一步实现当前高校隐性德育课程中思想政治教育个体发展功能提供建设性的意见和建议.     

Pathway to terrorist behaviors: The role of childhood experiences,personality traits,and ideological motivations in a sample of Iraqi prisoners

Radicalization to terrorism is a multifaceted process with no single theory or approach to explain it. Although research has focused on understanding the process, there is still a dearth of studies that examine an empirically driven pathway to terrorism behavior. This study examines a cross-sectional sample of incarcerated men convicted of terrorism in Iraq (N = 160). A questionnaire-guided interview included adverse childhood experiences (ACEs), conduct disorder (CD), antisocial personality disorder (ASPD), religious and political ideology, views about causes of terrorism, and the severity of terrorist acts. Path analysis was employed to examine the relationships between these factors and to identify the model with the best fit. After adjusting for age, employment, and location, results indicated that ACEs positively impacted CD, ASPD, religious guidance, and terrorism attitudes. ASPD positively affected political commitment and terrorism attitudes, but inversely affected current religious commitment. Political commitment inversely influenced terrorism attitudes. Religious commitment positively influenced the prioritization of religion in life, which subsequently impacted terrorism attitudes and behavior severity. Additionally, attitudes toward terrorism directly affected the severity of terrorism behavior. All paths in the final model were statistically significant at p < 0.05. Although these findings may be limited in generalizability due to the unique sample, results support the complex and interdependent nature of childhood and adult experiences on the development of both terrorism attitudes and the severity of terrorism behavior.     

Elections as Focusing Events: Explaining Attitudes Toward the Police and the Government in Comparative Perspective

Traditional views hold that citizens' attitudes toward the police are driven by local concerns. We contend that public attitudes toward the police are responsive to systematic and periodic national-level political factors. In particular, we show that national elections as a focusing event alter periodically the determinants of attitudes toward the police. Using a logistic regression model and diachronic data from Costa Rica, Mexico, and the United States, we find that attitudes toward the police and the national government are linked, and this linkage is responsive to the influence of national election campaigns in varying degrees. In addition, we find that attitudes toward the Mexican police are sensitive to partisan changes in the composition of the national political government. We find no such sensitivity in the police attitudes of Costa Rican and U.S. citizens. This suggests that police attitudes are not only affected by the performance of the national political government but also by the character (consolidated versus unconsolidated) of the national political government. In short, police attitudes in new democracies are an indication of the unconsolidated nature of the state apparatus.     

China, a Punitive Society?

The allegation that punishment is a core element of culture does not seem to explain the rapid changes in attitudes towards the death penalty seen in most modern societies during the last few decades. Attitudes of harshness and death in punishment are much more easily changed than proponents of the “cultural” explanation think. The misunderstandings about China (often held by Chinese themselves) are that a long tradition of harsh punishment has made such values into an unavoidable cultural norm. China, however, is not exceptional in harbouring penal populist norms as such, and Chinese history was much more lenient and merciful than assumed in these simplified arguments about “Chinese cultural harshness”. Even if China today is exceptional in the uses of harsh punishments and executes more people than the rest of the world combined, there is no need to see this fact in terms of Chinese culture. China can use its own traditions to end this situation effectively in a fairly short period of time if there is the political will to do so. Given such political will, public opinion will follow suit.     

Personal and Vicarious Experience with the Criminal Justice System as a Predictor of Punitive Sentencing Attitudes

This study examined the impact of prior personal or vicarious experience with the criminal justice system on sentencing attitudes. Existing research on sentencing attitudes has examined factors such as race, gender, income level, political affiliation, and education level, but few research studies have focused on actual contact with the criminal justice system and its influence on perceptions of sentencing as either too harsh or too lenient. The current study utilized data collected by the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research. Over 1,500 respondents were surveyed nationwide in 2006 regarding sentencing attitudes. Logistic regression analysis was utilized to assess the impact of factors of interest on sentencing attitudes. Results indicated that individuals who had been charged with a crime (personal experience), or who had an immediate relative or close friend who had been charged (vicarious experience), were more likely to perceive the criminal justice system as too harsh, regardless of race/ethnicity.     

A Genetic Basis of Economic Egalitarianism

Studies of political attitudes and ideologies have sought to explain their origin. They have been assumed to be a result of political values ingrained during the process of socialization until early adulthood, as well as personal political experience, party affiliation, social strata, etc. As a consequence of these environment-dominated explanations, most biology-based accounts of political preference have never been considered. However, in the light of evidence accumulated in recent years, the view that political attitudes are detached from any physical properties became unsustainable. In this paper, we investigate the origins of social justice attitudes, with special focus on economic egalitarianism and its potential genetic basis. We use Minnesota Twin Study data from 2008, collected from samples of monozygotic and dizygotic twin pairs (n = 573) in order to estimate the additive genetic, shared environmental, and unique environmental components of social justice attitudes. Our results show that the large portion of the variance in a four-item economic egalitarianism scale can be attributed to genetic factor. At the same time, shared environment, as a socializing factor, has no significant effect. The effect of environment seems to be fully reserved for unique personal experience. Our findings further problematize a long-standing view that social justice attitudes are dominantly determined by socialization.     

加入WTO对中国行政法制的挑战与改革

本文深入地论证了加入WTO对中国政府现行的行政管理机制所产生的巨大而深刻的影响。认为加入WTO不仅仅是个经济问题 ,而且也是一个政治的和法律的问题 ,从一定意义上讲 ,更是一个政府加入WTO及其政府管理的行政法制问题。文章在系统分析了当代中国政府管理的行政法制面临WTO规则所提出的严峻挑战的基础上 ,从五个方面提出了改革和完善中国政府的行政法制的相应对策。     

Representatives' Attitudes Toward Citizen Protests in Sweden: The Impact of Ideology,Parliamentary Position,and Experiences

What affects political representatives' attitudes toward citizen protests? We test the impact of political representatives' left‐right ideology, parliamentary position, and earlier experience of citizen protests. Using data from a pioneering survey covering all local political representatives in Sweden (n = 9,101, response rate 70%), we examine attitudes toward controversial noninstitutionalized forms of citizen protests. The results show that representatives to the right show considerably lower protest acceptance than those to the left. Representatives in office show significantly lower levels of acceptance than those of the opposition. Finally, the results show that representatives with more protest experience show higher protest acceptance.     

充分发挥宪法在中国特色社会主义建设中的法制保障作用——纪念我国1982年《宪法》颁布30周年

2012年12月4日,是我国现行《宪法》颁布实施30周年的纪念日。现行宪法被公认为是新中国建立以来制定的最好的宪法,其全面规定了中国特色社会主义经济政治文化和社会建设的主要任务和基本内容,对于我们建设中国特色社会主义市场经济、社会主义民主政治、社会主义先进文化和社会主义和谐社会,具有重要的法制保障作用。     

Green houses for terrorism: measuring the impact of gender equality attitudes and outcomes as deterrents of terrorism

Recent research suggests that there are links between terrorism and gender inequality. This study is a cross-national times series estimation for 57 countries for the period 1994–2002 to examine the impact of attitudes and actual outcomes of gender equality on levels of terrorism experienced by a country using World Values Survey and Global Terrorism Database. The results suggest that actual outcomes of gender equality have a significant and consistently negative impact on terrorism. Women’s actual advancement and equality in higher education, jobs and political representation are more effective in reducing terrorism than cultural attitudes supporting these rights. Additionally, comparing attitudes and outcomes of gender equality in a country, I find there is a gap between the two. This study has important public policy implications for focusing on greater levels of social, economic, and political gender equality for reducing the levels of terrorism.     

Explaining the variations in legal mobilization of environmental nongovernmental organizations in authoritarian China: A fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis

Despite the growing literature on legal mobilization under authoritarianism, the variations of legal mobilization in authoritarian regimes have been less studied. Drawing on a fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis of 175 environmental public interest litigations from 2009 to 2019, as well as in-depth interviews with environmental nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) representatives, this is the first article to present how organizational, political, legal, and social forces (which are demonstrated by six conditions: capacity, political embeddedness, political endorsement, access, legal stock, and alliance) combine to explain the variations of NGOs' environmental legal mobilization through the use of strategic and nonstrategic litigation in authoritarian China. Although the state's policy to pluralize regulatory actors to improve environmental governance has set up a relatively friendly institutional backdrop for environmental legal mobilization, this study finds that political forces such as the relationship between NGOs and the state and the ambivalent attitudes towards environmental protection between central and local government have significantly influenced the behavioral patterns of NGOs' legal mobilization. Moreover, this study uncovers four types of legal mobilization of Chinese environmental NGOs: allied mobilization, progressive mobilization, steered mobilization, and symbolic mobilization. This study enriches the understanding of the behavioral patterns of nonstate actors in legal mobilization in authoritarian regimes and beyond.