Political Corruption and the End of two-party system after the May 2015 Spanish Regional Elections

The autonomous elections held on 25 May 2015 took place simultaneously in 13 of the 17 Spanish autonomous communities (CCAA), leading to the most profound change in the autonomous party system seen in Spain in the last 20 years. A significant number of Spanish citizens hold the two main parties—the PP and the PSOE—responsible for being unable to solve their economic problems and for having pursued their austerity policies and containment of social expenditure to the extent of giving rise to the greatest inequality experienced in Spanish society in history. Furthermore, and as important as the economic crisis, support for the new parties, Podemos and Ciudadanos, has been linked to the emergence in Spanish public debate of party regeneration and the corruption scandals that tainted the main parties and most institutions in the years prior to the elections on 25 May 2015.     

Intergovernmental Relations in the 1980s

Intergovernmental relations in West German cooperative federalismhave often been criticized as inefficient and inflexible. Theabolition of joint policymaking and the promotion of decentralizationhave been recommended in order to reduce interdependencies betweengovernments and to avoid overloading central policymaking. Suchproposals have usually been put forward without consideringthe governmental complexity that impedes large-scale reforms.However, a detailed analysis of federalism, focusing on processesrather than structures and on different policies rather thanaggregations, reveals that intergovernmental relations in the1980s are not the same as those in the 1960s or early 1970s.The inherent dynamics of intergovernmental relations have producedmany changes. These changes have contributed to the overallstability of West German federalism because they have reflectedflexible adaptations of relations among federal, Land, and localgovernments to new socioeconomic, sociocultural, and ecologicalchallenges. Hence, events of the 1980s provide an occasion forreassessing cooperative federalism.     

The Transformation of the Central Administration in Spanish Intergovernmental Relations

The role of the central administration in Spain is examinedin relation to the European Union, autonomous communities, andlocal governments. The position of the central administrationhas changed dramatically in light of the transformation of theregime from dictatorship to democracy. Once the dominant actorin the system, it now plays more of a "middleman" or brokerrole within a decentralized state. Fundamental questions ofthe efficacy and legitimacy of the central administration ina federalizing system are also raised.     

Federalist Institutions, Voting Behavior, and Party Systems in Spain

With the establishment of the 17 autonomous communities in Spainin the early 1980s, representation has been compounded. Thisarticles assesses the empirical implications of compounded representationin Spain by analyzing regional, national, and European electoraldata over time. Comparisons are also drawn across Spanish regions.In addition, the article discusses the effects of compoundedrepresentation on party systems and government formation inthe regions. Voting patterns vary depending on the level ofelection and also across regions. Party systems, subjectiveregional identity, and types of government in the regions arelinked as well. The evidence suggests that the federalizationof Spain has compounded representation by adding new layersof elections and representative institutions.     

From nation-building to building identification with political communities: Consequences of political decentralisation in Spain, the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia, 1978–2001

Abstract. Many multiethnic polities suffer from a deficit of citizens' support for their political communities. Hence, their governments may think of political decentralisation as a solution. This article analyses the effects of that policy on citizens' identification with their political communities in Spain: on identification with the Basque Country, Catalonia or Galicia (its most conspicuous 'nationalities') once they have become 'autonomous communities', and on identification with the overall Spanish political community. To study the processes of transformation of such attitudes, nation-building theories are interpreted from the political socialisation approach and applied to the autonomous institutions. It is also suggested that the state strictu senso , by contrast, may be developing an alternative method of forging identification with its own political community. Survey time-series evidence shows that although those autonomous communities are engaged successfully in a local but standard nation-building, the whole political system may be fostering its own diffuse support by recognising and institutionalising cultural diversity and self-government.     

Russell Kirk and Territorial Democracy

Russell Kirk is one of the most important American conservativethinkers. This article traces the development of Kirk's understandingof federalism, which was neither nationalistic nor based inthe usual arguments about states' rights. Specifically, Kirkadapted what the American thinker Orestes Brownson called "territorialdemocracy" to articulate a version of federalism that is basedon premises that differ in part from those of the Founders andother conservatives. Further, Kirk believed that territorialdemocracy could reconcile the tension between treating the statesas mere "provinces" of the central government and seeing themas autonomous political units independent of Washington. Finally,territorial democracy allowed Kirk to set out a theory of rightsthat was based in the particular historical circumstances ofthe United States while rejecting a universal conception ofindividual rights.     

Mueller on European Federation: A Reply from the Perspective of Australian Federalism

Dennis Mueller has recently made a significant contribution tounderstanding issues of federalism and confederalism in theEuropean Union – from a particular public choice point of view. Hefurnishes an important and provocative discussion of therelationship between the decision-making rules embodied in aconstitutional convention (or other means of drafting a form ofunion for constituent states) and the decision-making rules whichwill be contained in the constitution which is the outcome of thatconvention. However, Mueller's veiled preference for a certainideal form of federalism for Europe tends to reduce the parametersof his discussion, and gives his article an unrealistic and narrowfocus, despite its ambitious scope. The present article exploressome of the latent complexities in the public choice analysis anddesign of European integration, particularly by drawing on thewider experience of working federations and theory of federalism,using the unique and synthesizing Australian experience as a pointof departure. It argues that Mueller's analysis is biased towardsthe reduction of decision-making costs of European governance, andthus undervalues the external costs that may be imposed throughexcessive central government.     

Laboratories of Democracy? Brandeis, Federalism, and Scientific Management

Although Louis Brandeis is rightly regarded as a champion offederalism, this article suggests that his famous depictionof the American states as "laboratories" of democracy in facthas little to do with federalism and in fad rests on an understandingof public policy inimical to federal diversity. More specifically,it argues that Brandeis's choice of metaphor largely reflectshis hope for scientifically based public policy, which in turnreflected the influence of Scientific Management upon his thought.The article concludes that abandoning Brandeis's metaphor wouldbe useful in rethinking the relations among states in the diffusionof innovations.     

From Unitary to Asymmetric Federalism in Germany: Taking Stock after 50 Years

Policymaking in the German federal system is influenced by thedynamic interplay of the institutions of cooperative federalism,of party competition in a parliamentary system, and of distributiveconflicts between governments. This is shown in an analysisof 50 years of German federalism. It is argued that while theinstitutional setting outlived most reform efforts, changingpatterns of party politics and growing distributive conflictsinduced adjustments in intergovernmental relations. Since the1980s, such adjustments have also been stimulated by Europeanpolitics. In unified Germany, intergovernmental cooperationis now burdened with asymmetries between the East and the West,which are also expressed in a more regionalized party system.However, as party political confrontations have diminished,a pragmatic revision of the federal system seems feasible.     

The Council of Australian Governments and Intergovernmental Relations: A Case of Cooperative Federalism

A series of Special Premiers' Conferences begun in 1990, andthe establishment of the Council of Australian Governments in1992, signaled a phase of "cooperative federalism" in Australia.Joint schemes of policy and legislation and new national intergovernmentalbodies were made by a series of formal agreements. The conditionsand circumstances are appraised in a discussion of the natureof intergovernmental coordination and cooperation, and fromthe critical perspective of a model of competitive federalism.It is concluded that the initiatives, largely, did not representa centralizing process, nor did they override strongly articulatedclaims for diversity. This is made clear following an analysisof the processes occurring in the newly established federalinstitutions and from a series of brief case studies. They expressedthe continuing interdependency and underlying autonomy of stateand Commonwealth governments through schemes that promised tobring agreed, joint benefits through federal solutions.     

Forty Years of German Federalism: Past Trends and New Developments

This article traces the major developments in German federalismfrom 1949 to the present. From a system based on a concept of"dual federalism," which was different in important ways fromthe American system, German federalism became somewhat morelike the postwar American cooperative federalism. Criticismof this system in the 1970s led to various reform efforts, whichmade little headway until the 1980s and the formation of a CDU/CSU-FDPcoalition government under Chancellor Helmut Kohl. The "turnabout"promised by this government and carried out to some extent includedplans and policies to strengthen the Länder by some sortingout of functions. These efforts were successful at first, butthe federal government has oriented its policies more towardthe national arena. Financial constraints, the nationalizationof basic rights, technological concerns, and pressures by theEC have led to new tendencies toward intergovernmentalizingand centralizing the relations between the federation and Landgovernments.     

Toward Federal Democracy in Spain: An Examination of Intergovernmental Relations

Intergovernmental relations is playing a key role in the emergenceof federal arrangements in post-Franco Spain. The transitionto democracy included the building of a state made up of autonomouscommunities, which is transforming the regime into one withmany centers of power, in both the historic regions and therest of the country. Intergovernmental institutional, political,and fiscal patterns demonstrate the evolving nature of self-ruleand shared rule, moving Spain closer into the orbit of otherfederal systems.     

Indian Federalism and Democracy: The Growing Salience of Diversity-claims Over Equality-claims in Comparative and Indian Perspective

This article introduces a conceptual distinction between diversity-claims and equality-claims in order to reflect critically on the relation between federalism and democracy in India, which is not adequately problematized and somewhat neglected. Federalism and democracy suggest two different problematics, but in India democracy has often played second fiddle to the claims of diversity. As a result, India's success as a federation has not been paralleled by its record as a democracy in terms of its equality functions. Since the article engages with the issue of accommodation of diversity in the wake of federation-building, and the relation between federalism and democracy, critical references are made to the relevant theoretical literature in order to point out federalism's new problematic and its pitfalls. With the Indian case as a major illustration, it is shown here that the institutional arrangements and governing practices have overwhelmingly been given priority to meet the claims of diversity to the relative neglect of equality-claims.     

Civil Rights,Federalism, and the Administrative Process: Favorable Outcomes by Federal,State, and Local Agencies in Housing Discrimination Complaints

Some theorists argue that cooperative intergovernmental relations are critical to policy implementation in the United States. This assertion is explored in the context of fair housing enforcement by comparing favorable administrative outcomes in fair housing complaints at the federal, state, and local levels from 1989 to 2004. What conclusions can be drawn from this systematic comparison of intergovernmental enforcement in one policy area over an extended period of time? First, cooperative federalism works well in fair housing enforcement. Second, of special significance, state civil rights agencies resolve complaints in favor of complainants nearly as often as the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and localities sometimes do so even more frequently.     

Spain: The fragile democracy

The attempted military coup of 23 February 1981 underlined the fragility of democracy in Spain, recently restored after forty years of dictatorship by General Franco. The article argues that the ultimate reason for Spanish democracy's precarious state lies in the existence of a traditionally interventionist Army, an Army not identified with the values and ideals of democracy. A minority of right‐wing officers thought that terrorism by the Basque group ETA, the regional problem, and the political disenchantment of many Spaniards, related to the decline of Suárez, called for a new intervention by the Army against the legally constituted democracy.     

Federalism and Democratic Transitions: The "New" Politics of the Governors in Brazil

Although federalism is a potentially important variable in democratization,few studies explore its impact in democratic transitions andconsolidation. Scholars generally agree that federalism is quitestrong in contemporary Brazil. This study examines how and whystrong federalism reemerged in Brazil following twenty yearsof centralizing military rule. In brief, the 1964–1985military regime tried but failed to transform the state-basedorganizational structure and power base of Brazil's traditionalpolitical elite; Brazil's "transitional" electoral cycle alsoreinforced the strength of state governors. Examples are providedof how subnational actors influenced the transition processin the national government and how state based actors and interestschallenge Brazil's efforts to consolidate its democracy.     

Intergovernmental relations on immigrant integration in multi-level states. A comparative assessment

ABSTRACT

The study of intergovernmental relations (IGR) is a classical research area in scholarship on federalism and territorial politics. However, it has largely ignored the relatively new, and recently decentralized area of immigrant integration. The aim of this Special Issue is twofold. First, it aims to analyse how governments in multi-level states coordinate on immigrant integration. Second, it wishes to explain the dynamics that shape the features of intergovernmental relations. In doing so, we focus on four multi-level states; two of which are federal (Belgium and Canada) and two that are decentralized (Italy and Spain). Whilst we engage with the established literature on intergovernmental relations to formulate hypotheses about the nature and dynamics of intergovernmental relations, we also formulate less explored hypotheses. Our overarching argument is that the scholarship on IGR benefits from in-depth comparative case studies comparing IGR not just across countries, but also across policy areas and over time.     

Managing Within the Matrix: Do Collaborative Intergovernmental Relations Exist?

The current state of managing collaboratively in an era of acceleratedUnited States national action is assessed against the earlierapproaches identified by Daniel f. Elazar and others duringperiods of cooperative federalism. The literature on the managementof intergovernmental relations within cooperative federalismis examined, as are Elazar's contributions to managing withina noncentralized federal matrix. Three management approachesassociated with increased national power and decreased collaborativeintergovernmental relations are identified: nation-centeredfederalism, growing emphasis on nationwide action, and executiveleadership. Collaborative management within intergovernmentalrelations is then reconstructed by looking at the extent ofbargaining and adjustment, shifting of program venues to stateand local governments, growing intergovernmental managerialsophistication, and limits on federal enforcement ability. Moreextensive field research needs to be conducted to understandthe true extent and depth of collaborative management in thefederal system.     

Intergovernmental Innovation and the Administrative State in Canada

Canadian federalism has experienced considerable pressure for change and innovation in recent years. There have been calls for more collaborative federalism and demands for public sector reforms consistent with the precepts of New Public Management. This article examines the hypothesis that these pressures might be expected to have resulted in some intergovernmental institutional innovation in the arena of federal–provincial–territorial relations. Using a conceptual distinction between federalism, intergovernmental relations, and intergovernmental management (IGM) as the basis of analyzing institutional innovation at six levels in the Canadian intergovernmental administrative state, the authors find a differentiated impact with more institutional innovation evident at the micro levels of IGM and innovation more constrained at the macro levels of the administrative state by the traditional institutional infrastructure of executive federalism.