共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 62 毫秒
1.
Marianne Péron-Doise 《Asia Europe Journal》2005,3(4):507-515
Northeast Asia (NEA) is on the international security agenda for a lot of reasons. The historical legacy, territorial disputes,
the region’s growing importance as an economic actor and a trading partner accompanied by increasing defence expenditures
and acquisition of high tech weaponry and the political isolation of a “rogue” North Korea have all contributed to fear that
NEA could open a Pandora’s box of a nuclear arms race. In this paper, I analyse recent strategic trends in Asia and try to
evaluate the main motivations and objectives of a country like North Korea behind Weapons of Mass Destruction proliferation
and the impact of this “nuclear diplomacy” on the evolution of defence policy of major military power like Japan.
相似文献
Marianne Péron-DoiseEmail: |
2.
The aim of this article is to answer the question what kind of global security architecture emerged after September 11 and
what functions Europe, East Asia and the United States assumed in this triadic structure. The empirical findings reveal that
the transpacific security cooperation is the strengthening link in this global security structure, the transatlantic security
cooperation the weakening one and the Asia–Europe Security Cooperation is to be seen as the emerging link. In order to explain
these different institutional manifestations of transregional cooperation, different theories of International Relations are
applied to the three cases. It comes as no surprise that neoinstitutionalism and constructivism offer the best insights into
the formation and development of international institutions.
相似文献
Howard Loewen (Corresponding author)Email: |
Dirk NabersEmail: |
3.
With the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union the large economic space of the Eurasian super-continent has also become part of the world-wide globalization process. How this process of integration of Eurasia is proceeding in key areas of cross-continental linkages is of great importance for the future of the region and for the future of the World as a whole. One of the key questions will be whether the regional and global institutions can provide adequate support for this integration process.This paper was presented as a keynote speech at The Fourteenth OSCE Economic Forum in Vienna on 23 January 2006. It draws on a longer paper by (Linn and Tiomkin in press).The authors are, respectively, Executive Director of the Wolfensohn Initiative at The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC, USA, and MBA and MPA/ID candidate at Harvard University. Johannes Linn served as Vice President for Europe and Central Asia at the World Bank from 1996 to 2003.
相似文献
Johannes F. Linn (Corresponding author)Email: |
David TiomkinEmail: |
4.
Eiji Yamashita 《Asia Europe Journal》2009,7(1):109-125
The central framework of Asian integration is ASEAN+3 and, since its first Summit meeting in 1997, it has advanced regional
integration in East Asia. Based on the direct experience of the author, this article presents a critical assessment of the
progress made over the past ten years and argues that the ‘Singapore Declaration’ of 2007 is not ambitious enough for the
future. An East Asian customs union (EACU) and common regional market should be the next targets for trade integration. In
terms of monetary integration, Asia should aim for de-dollarisation and to achieve this it is crucially important to create
a regional Asian monetary system (AMS).
相似文献
Eiji YamashitaEmail: |
5.
The paper analyses the basic parameters of the power of China, according to Geopolitical Theory. Even though the authors adopt
a critical approach on some aspects of the geopolitical theory, the geopolitical analysis elucidates the interests of China
and the United States and focuses on the way of which the American decision-making system perceives China. The article interprets
the geopolitical role of China, starting from the origins of geopolitical theory to the contemporary international relations
theory. In addition, it focuses on the current geo-strategic context of the Far East. It analyses Chinas' strategic thinking,
China's nuclear doctrine and its military power as compared to the neighbouring countries and as a major player in the world
economy.
相似文献
Panos Lambridis (Corresponding author)Email: |
Theodore KoukoulisEmail: |
6.
Trade interdependence between Europe and Asia has rapidly increased in recent years. Europe–Asia trade flows now constitute
a ‘third link’ in the global economy. As trade expands, however, global trade governance has declined and free trade agreements
(FTAs) have increased. Hence, the Global Europe strategy has been designed to enhance trade relations with emerging Asia which
is the most dynamic region in the global economy today. But Asia’s model of export led growth leaves it more exposed to shocks
emanating from outside the region than ever before raising questions about its sustainability. Deep integration agreements
between Europe and Asia are needed to foster economic growth. They also need a development dimension to help Asian countries
address their key development challenges.
Brigid Gavin was the Research Coordinator of the workshop on ‘Deep Integration and North–South Free Trade Agreements: EU Strategy for a Global Economy’ which provided the papers and discussion forum for the articles in this special edition. The workshop took place at the
United Nations University-Comparative Regional Integration Studies (UNU-CRIS) centre in Bruges, Belgium on 19–20 June, 2008.
She wishes to express her thanks to Mr Luk Van Langenhove, Director of UNU-CRIS for financial support and to all the authors
and participants in the workshop for their contribution to making this project a real success. A special word of thanks goes
to Lars Nilsson, Chief Economist Unit, DG Trade, European Commission for his opening presentation to the workshop.
Alice Sindzingre is Research Fellow, National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS), University of Paris and Visiting Lecturer
at School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London. This analysis draws from her paper ‘The EU Economic Partnership Agreements with Africa’ which she presented at the workshop and available on the UNU-CRIS website.
相似文献
Brigid Gavin (Corresponding author)Email: |
Alice SindzingreEmail: |
7.
Ramon Pacheco Pardo 《Asia Europe Journal》2009,7(2):265-280
This paper provides a constructivist explanation of the political weakness of the EU in East Asia. By examining the corporate
identity of the EU as well as its social identities towards ASEM, China and Japan, I argue that the identities which the EU
has constructed towards the outside world and in relation to the region, based on self recognitions of its superpower status
and the defence of certain political values, is disliked by both China and Japan for different reasons. Without the support
of the two regional superpowers, the EU is not capable of getting involved in the resolution of East Asian hard political
affairs.
相似文献
Ramon Pacheco PardoEmail: |
8.
Xinyi Li 《Asia Europe Journal》2009,7(1):145-160
Regional integration in East Asia has been described as ‘market-led’ integration driven by the activities of multinational
corporations creating vertical specialisation. This paper investigates the effect of free trade agreements (FTAs) on vertical
specialisation-based trade by employing a gravity estimation for a sample of nine East Asian countries plus the US. We find
that FTAs promote international trade based on vertical specialisation and enhances deep integration between countries. The
FTA effect on vertical specialisation-based trade increases with pre-agreement vertical linkage level, that is, the deeper
the real integration between countries the larger the FTA impact. The results of this paper also suggest that deeper economic
integrations, such as currency unions, will enhance trade based on vertical production by reducing the risk of exchange rate
volatility.
相似文献
Xinyi LiEmail: |
9.
Sanen Marshall 《Asia Europe Journal》2005,3(3):347-360
This paper explains the systemic pressures on states in Europe and Southeast Asia to broaden their alliances after the end
of the Cold War, and how expansion impacts on regional integration. Inter-state cooperation is still very much the basis of
regional integration. In Europe, states will scuttle attempts at deepening integration if this threatens their security, as
the recent political impasse in the European Union reveals. In Southeast Asia, by contrast, the threat to the security of
states arises from their failure to deepen economic integration in order to survive an anarchic world financial system. This
failure is due to entrenched internal constraints that prevents closer inter-state cooperation and the pooling of sovereignty.
Thus, while attempts to move into the area of political union will be resisted by states eager to maintain their sovereignty,
the inability to advance into the area of monetary union can only lead to demise of states.
相似文献
Sanen MarshallEmail: |
10.
Both parties to an eventual EU India FTA have agreed that it should not merely address tariff barriers but should also go
further into what is known as deep integration, originally developed in the 1990s by R.Z. Lawrence. This relates to the removal
of all obstacles to cross border business whether actual trade barriers or domestic regulations. We distinguish deep institutional
integration from the deep integration of markets. We ask the question how one may support the other. There are potential market
failures that can be addressed by trans-national rules on standards and technical regulations and services, but we conclude
that the biggest impact of a deep RTA would be on the domestic economy of India if it provides an opportunity for reform.
It should be noted that the paper draws on a study undertaken by the authors for DG Trade, but it represents only the views
of the authors.
相似文献
Peter Holmes (Corresponding author)Email: |
Anirudh ShingalEmail: |
11.
Christopher M. Dent 《Asia Europe Journal》2009,7(1):161-178
East Asia is becoming an increasingly coherent regional entity in political economic terms, and remains a region of enormous
geo-strategic significance for the European Union. Europe’s links with China and Japan are especially important, and moreover
these two countries are looking in various ways to exercise various forms of regional leadership in East Asia. This has critical
implications for the EU’s relations with the East Asia region generally, and also for the wider international system. Similar
and related impacts maybe construed from deepening East Asian regionalism, involving processes where both Japan and China
play vitally important roles. The analysis presented here examines the both micro and macro level developments in East Asian
regionalism, and issues relating to Japan, China and regional leadership. It concludes by discusses the implications of these
matters for the European Union, and recommends that the EU should pay particularly close attention to emergent exercises of
regional leadership in East Asia, most likely to be performed by Japan and/or China.
相似文献
Christopher M. DentEmail: |
12.
This topic involves some difficulties, one of which is about the concept of “Northeast Asia”. Broadly speaking, Northeast
Asia should include China, Japan, Korean Peninsula, Russia’s Far East, and Mongolia. It is obviously not possible to address
complex issues in such a broad region within several pages. Therefore, this paper shall focus on the main part of Northeast
Asia, i.e., China, Japan, and Korea.
Dr. PAN Guang is the Director and Professor of Shanghai Center for International Studies and Institute of European & Asian Studies at Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, Director of SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization) Studies Center in Shanghai. 相似文献
PAN GuangEmail: |
Dr. PAN Guang is the Director and Professor of Shanghai Center for International Studies and Institute of European & Asian Studies at Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, Director of SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization) Studies Center in Shanghai. 相似文献
13.
Sven Biscop 《Asia Europe Journal》2006,4(1):25-29
The shake-up of the European security architecture produced by the end of the Cold War has not led to a clear-cut division of labour between the different actors involved. While one organization, the Western European Union (WEU), has all but disappeared, the expansion of the EU and NATO in terms of both competencies and membership and the institutionalization of the OSCE have resulted in an intricate web of functionally and geographically overlapping institutions.Senior research fellow in the Royal Institute for International Relations (IRRI-KIIB) in Brussels and professor of European security at Ghent University in Belgium.
相似文献
Sven BiscopEmail: |
14.
Magnus Petersson 《Asia Europe Journal》2006,4(4):563-581
The aim of this paper is to discuss and examine the regional projects of institutionalism in Europe and Southeast Asia. The main focus is on Myanmar, a regional ‘outcast’ whose membership in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in 1997 has helped it to gain international legitimacy and be able to stand relatively strong against Western sanctions. The military regime is riding on the wave of ASEAN norms and a communitarian culture. The question remains as to how long the country can continue to do so. A rather skeptical view is emphasized on the ‘ASEAN Way’ in dealing with the military regime, and for the overall political dialogue with the European Union. Many ambitious objectives such as sovereign equality in institutionalism are widely questioned, and the European Union has gone against many of its treaties in order to keep its relationship with Southeast Asia. The paper puts prominence on the political and security relationship rather than on the economic aspect, which has been far more successful. The role of values and the human rights debate will be highlighted and described as the greatest obstacle for any future political cooperation.
相似文献
Magnus PeterssonEmail: |
15.
Mohamed Aslam 《Asia Europe Journal》2009,7(2):281-294
Until 1997, the only preferential trading arrangement, which existed in East Asia, was the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). Former
Prime Minister of Malaysia Tun Dr. Mahathir had realized earlier the deficiency of AFTA in terms of stimulating economic development.
In 1990, he proposed to ASEAN members to form the East Asian Economic Group. Due to regional political factors, his proposal
was turned down and replaced with the East Asian Economic Caucus in 1992. In 1997, again, he proposed that ASEAN needed to
establish large economic cooperation with other countries in East Asia. His suggestion had been warmly responded by the members
of East Asian countries. At the ASEAN summit in Manila 1999, ASEAN Plus 3 (APT) was created. ASEAN, China, Japan, and South
Korea had agreed and reached a joint statement to form a free-trade area by the year 2020. The establishment of APT was timely
since most countries in the world are moving toward establishing wider or larger economic blocs due to the failure of multilateralism
of the WTO in creating a new trade agreement. However, there is a shortcoming in the process of building APT, in the minimal
and uncertain role of Japan in integrating economies in East Asia. This behavior has disappointed members of the group. The
intention of this paper is to discuss the behavior of Japan in the economic integration process in East Asia.
相似文献
Mohamed AslamEmail: |
16.
Regional energy cooperation in North East Asia: Lessons from the European Experience 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The three major oil importing countries of Northeast Asia—China, Japan and South Korea—are concerned about future security
of energy supplies to fuel their dynamic economic activity. Currently all three countries are highly dependent on imports
of oil from the Middle East, a region with inherent political instability. Russia’s rich reserves of oil and gas in Eastern
Siberia and the Russian Far East offer an obvious alternative. Given the geographical proximity of Russia and its desire to
increase its energy exports to Northeast Asia, there is huge potential for cooperation. So far there has been no real intra-regional
cooperation and no common external policy towards Russia. Despite obvious differences between Europe and North East Asia,
the European model of energy cooperation, developed over the past 50 years, offers some useful lessons.
相似文献
Brigid GavinEmail: |
17.
Roberto Echandi 《Asia Europe Journal》2009,7(1):127-144
Over the past decade, a number of countries in the Asia Pacific region have concluded a new generation of FTAs that liberalise
trade in goods and services while also containing investment protection provisions. This paper provides an overview of the
recent trends giving special attention to the impact of Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) cases which has influenced
the evolution of investment rule-making over the last decade. The paper asserts that investment disputes have influenced the
refinement of the provisions of the new generation of investment agreements as well as the inclusion of a series of procedural
and substantive innovations in these agreements.
*Ambassador of Costa Rica to the European Union, Belgium and Luxembourg. This paper was written on the basis of several research
projects in which the author participated, before assuming the current position with the Costa Rican government, as consultant
with UNCTAD. However, the opinions and views expressed in this paper do not represent the position of UNCTAD, nor the Government
of Costa Rica and fully fall under responsibility of the author.
相似文献
Roberto EchandiEmail: |
18.
Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied 《Asia Europe Journal》2005,3(3):421-427
This article examines the Syeikh Muhammad Abduh's ideas on society, diagnoses of its problems and viable solutions. Central
to this article's argument is the appropriation of Abduh into the list of thinkers found within the discipline of sociology
that has been dominated by Europeans in his era. By highlighting several themes related to the challenges and anxieties faced
by Muslim societies in facing up to Western modernity, which Abduh was much concerned with in his discourses, it is hoped
that future scholars would re-examine his sociological thoughts in light of its significance towards fostering East–West intellectual
symbiosis.
相似文献
Syed Muhd Khairudin AljuniedEmail: |
19.
Dimitrios Konstadakopulos 《Asia Europe Journal》2009,7(2):345-366
External crises such as the Bird Flu epidemic, as well as severe environmental problems, are changing overall attitudes towards
research in human health and the environment. At present, the EU is putting pressure on developing countries in Asia and elsewhere
to increase their environmental capacities and put forward methods of environmental management that support innovation and
competitiveness. They are also being encouraged to participate in the Kyoto protocol and Bali processes on climate change.
This paper aims to address the current issues faced by the EU in promoting environmentally friendly technologies in Southeast
Asia, as well as to examine the opportunities for technological cooperation between Europe and Asia. It will use Indonesia,
Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines and Vietnam—some of the EU’s chosen recipients of official development assistance in the
region—as case studies, in order to examine how these countries implement policies that incorporate environmental technology
strategies designed to promote sustainable development. It will also attempt to identify the type of actions that are being
pursued by their respective governments, with the support of the EU and its member states. Finally, the paper will suggest
which types of environmentally friendly technologies and best practice could be transferred from Europe to Southeast Asia,
and to the wider Asian region.
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the ‘EU–Asia Relations: A Critical Review’ conference at the Jean Monnet European Centre of Excellence at the University of Melbourne, 27–28 March 2008. I would like
to express my gratitude to the conference participants for their comments and suggestions.
相似文献
Dimitrios KonstadakopulosEmail: |
20.
Michael Reiterer 《Asia Europe Journal》2009,7(1):179-196
Since its inception in 1996 ASEM has provided an opportunity for focussing relations between the EU and East Asia as a forum
for informal multilayered dialogue and building a framework for enhanced cooperation in the political, economic and social/cultural
fields. Inter-regionalism, of which ASEM is the incarnation in the EU-Asia relationship, developed into an important policy
tool of the EU in an effort to maintain a multipolar setting. Regional identities in Asia are at a different level when comparing
South East Asia, North East Asia, East Asia and South and Central Asia. ASEM contributed to a certain extent to the region
building in East Asia. Although the economic pillar of ASEM turned out to be the more important one when compared to the political
and the people-to-people pillars, it will not become the basis for a (deep) inter-regional free trade agreement because of
the diversity of the Asian members, reinforced by the last ASEM enlargement. However, turning weakness into strength, ASEM
could become the EU’s vehicle for a more holistic approach to Asia thereby fostering a more economic and political multipolar
world order. The financial melt down of the international financial order lead to the rediscovery of the need for international
cooperation not only on the level of business but also among states. Making use of ASEM, developed over the last 12 years,
could provide the much needed platform in the EU-Asia relationship.
The author, Adjunct Professor for International Politics at the University of Innsbruck, formerly served as ASEM Counsellor
of the European Commission as well as Minister and Deputy Head of the Delegation of the European Commission to Japan and is
presently EC Ambassador to Switzerland. He contributes this paper solely in his academic capacity and the views expressed
should not be attributed to the European Commission; the thoughtful comments by Brigid Gavin on the draft are appreciated
and the research assistance of Tilo Wagner is recognised.
相似文献
Michael ReitererEmail: |