简论行政处分的基本原则

行政处分的设定和实施应当遵循以下基本原则:第一,处分法定原则;第二,处分与教育相结合原则;第三,过错与处分相适应原则;第四,处分适用平等原则;第五,保护当事人合法权益原则。     

论“和谐世界”的内涵与本质

"和谐世界"的主张,倡导在国际关系中以和平、发展、平等、民主、多边合作为原则,反对霸权主义和单边主义,争取平等互利的发展和世界普遍持久的和平与安全。     

肯定差异的平等才是真实的平等——伊丽佳蕾女性主义性别平等理论探析

伊丽佳蕾作为当代女性主义的典型代表,她以差异为基点展开的性别平等问题论述,形成肯定差异的性别平等理论。这一理论深刻批判"男权""女权"两个极端,揭示肯定差异的性别平等内涵,阐述肯定差异的性别平等追求方式,彰显伊丽佳蕾性别平等理论的主旨和主张。这一理论在女性主义发展中独树一帜,在欧洲和世界范围形成了较大影响,我国的女性问题研究也应予关注和借鉴。     

平等、公平与社会主义和谐社会

平等是社会公平与正义的指向与要求,是衡量社会行为主体价值的一种尺度.公平是一种特殊的平等.和谐社会首先应是一个基于平等价值的公平社会,平等与公平的价值是和谐社会的底蕴与前提.社会主义和谐社会的建构应当以实现"共同富裕"为目标,以平等与公平为基本价值取向,以和谐为标准,以自由与平等完全实现的共产主义社会为归宿.社会主义的原则与本质内在地要求我国执政党和政府应遵循平等原则,在公民基本政治、经济权利方面,应当无差别地"按需分配",而在非基本的政治、经济权利方面,则按照市场经济的要求,实行"按劳分配".社会主义和谐社会的建构就是要求人们在公共理性的支配下,逐步由不尽平等走向平等,在科学发展中实现公平与和谐.     

商品交换原则不应进入政治生活领域

最近,有些同志对“要防止商品交换原则进入政治生活领域”的命题提出质疑,主张商品交换原则应当进入政治生活领域。他们认为“商品交换原则必然要反映到政治生活中来”,所以“防止进入”的提法不科学;他们还认为“商品交换原则体现的是平等、自由的原则,反映到政治上,就是反对封建等级和特权”,“不可能设想,在经济领域中实行平等、自由的原则,而在政治领域实行集权的原则”。他们得出的结论是:“既然在经济领域中实行这一原则,在政治     

宜以“有效保护”为基准对相关条款做平衡解读

在物权保护原则方面,本文主张超越平等保护与特殊保护之争,以"有效保护"为基准来对《物权法》做平衡解读。其中所谓"平衡",是指在宪法的基本经济制度与宪法的市场经济条款之间求得的平衡。     

马克思恩格斯公平正义思想与米勒多元正义论比较

马克思恩格斯认为:公平正义随着生产方式的变迁而演变,具有阶级性、历史性,相对性,其实质是对现存经济关系的反映;权利平等是资产阶级反对封建专制特权的思想武器,仅是一种形式平等,在共产主义社会第一阶段不可避免地存在着资产阶级权利及其弊端;公平原则按照需要原则(按需分配)、贡献原则(按劳分配)、权利原则(权利平等)排序。米勒认为正义是利益或负担分配问题;需要原则适用于团结的社群、应得原则适用于工具性联合体、平等原则适用于公民身份联合体;米勒偏重于结果正义,但也主张保证程序公平的实现。马克思恩格斯的公平正义思想与米勒的社会情境多元正义理论有着本质的不同,但也存在着相同之处。     

关于平等：罗尔斯对话马克思

在马克思看来,平等观是历史的、阶级的、相对的范畴,也是权利与义务的统一,不同于平均主义,它由经济基础决定,主张消灭阶级,实现权利不平等与按需分配的理想。罗尔斯的平等观由两个正义原则构成,第一原则是平等的自由原则,第二原则由两部分组成,第一部分是公平的机会平等原则,第二部分是差别原则。虽然马克思与罗尔斯分属不同的时代,但是他们的平等观既有差别,又有相同之处。马克思是马克思主义的创始人,罗尔斯是新自由主义的代表人物,他们在平等方面的对话主要聚焦于劳动价值论、平等的自由、分配原则、永恒平等观与构建方法五个层面。     

自由主义公民身份理论内在逻辑及其局限性

建立在个体本位以及普遍主义思维方式和价值论基础上的自由主义公民身份理论,核心主张为权利至上;该理论在处理国家与公民关系时,遵循中立性原则;在处理公民与公民关系时,遵循平等原则,其实质是形式平等、普遍平等.自由主义公民身份理论存在以下局限性:公民权利、政治权利、社会权利之间存在内在张力;权利与责任严重不平衡;自由主义所谓的政府中立性是不彻底的,甚至是虚假的;政府中立性的主张,容易导致公民政治冷漠和公共美德的缺失;形式上的平等掩盖了事实上的不平等;普遍平等观漠视差异性.     

基于差异的正义:我国全民基本医疗保险制度理论与思路研究

中国正处在并将长期处在差异性社会,这是构建中国基本医疗保险制度的主要社会基础。差异性社会的正义原则既不应为新自由主义的完全市场原则、也不能是民粹主义的超前空想原则,而应当是"差异的正义",即以"基本公平+比例公平"双层结构原则,探索实现全民基本医疗保险制度,走中国特色社会主义的基本医疗保险均等化之路。根据双层结构原则,改变我国基本医疗保险制度碎片化、多元化格局,建立统一的我国全民基本医疗保险制度体系,应包括"基本医疗保险+补充医疗保险":基本医疗保险以社会公平为原则,在全国范围内保障每个公民医疗保险的平等权益;多种补充医疗保险适应差异性社会的差异化医疗保险需求,体现比例公平原则。保障基本公平,适度尊重比例公平,不断消灭差异,走向最终公平,这就是全民基本医疗保险制度体系发展的"中国道路"。     

制度化、生态化与大众化反腐模式的自觉建构

在中国特色反腐倡廉道路上,有效预防和惩治党内腐败,实现腐败的标本兼治,建设廉洁政治,我们党就必须自觉建构和牢固确立制度化、生态化与大众化反腐模式。制度化反腐模式强调把权力关进制度的笼子里,通过制度来约束权力。生态化反腐模式强调反腐倡廉须在集约化和系统化的原则下追求综合效益,达到内生态与外生态的良性互动。大众化反腐模式强调让反腐倡廉的主体——人民大众真正归位,成为"价值层面的主体",并发挥他们的主体性、能动性和自觉性,形成"大众参与、大众负责、大众监督"的反腐倡廉氛围。这三种模式不是非此即彼的关系,而是相互配合协作的关系。将三者有效地融合并统一于党的反腐倡廉建设全过程,是我们党治理腐败的根本之道。     

What do Parties Want? Policy versus Office

What parties want – policy, office or votes – affects how they represent their voters, make strategic decisions and respond to external changes in society. What parties strive to accomplish is crucially important for what they do. Moreover, our knowledge of what parties want affects what we expect them to do. For instance, coalition theory assumes that parties have homogeneous goals, and hence are equally likely to join coalitions given the same circumstances. However, this article investigates this basic assumption of party goal homogeneity and finds that party goals do indeed diverge. The article demonstrates that party goals are influenced by party-specific factors such as party size, policy position and intra-party politics. It therefore suggests, further, that intra-party politics should be included more systematically in future studies of party behaviour.     

Beyond Weber: Conceptualizing an alternative ideal type of bureaucracy in developing contexts

The study of public administration in developing countries requires that we look beyond the Weberian model as the only ideal type of bureaucracy. When we assume that there exists only one gold standard of public administration, all other organizational forms that do not conform to the Weberian ideal are dismissed as corrupt or failed. Drawing on neo‐institutional economics, I introduce an alternative ideal type of bureaucracy found in contemporary China. This model, which I call bureau‐franchising, combines the hierarchical structure of bureaucracy with the high‐powered incentives of franchising. In this system, public agencies can rightfully claim a share of income earned to finance and reward themselves, like entrepreneurial franchisees. Yet distinct from lawless corruption, this self‐financing (or prebendal) behavior is sanctioned and even deliberately incentivized by state rules. Although such a model violates several Weberian tenets of “good” bureaucracy, it harnesses and regulates the high‐powered incentives of prebendalism to ameliorate budgetary and capacity constraints that are common in developing countries like China.     

Can the online crowd match real expert judgments? How task complexity and coder location affect the validity of crowd-coded data

Crowd-coding is a novel technique that allows for fast, affordable and reproducible online categorisation of large numbers of statements. It combines judgements by multiple, paid, non-expert coders to avoid miscoding(s). It has been argued that crowd-coding could replace expert judgements, using the coding of political texts as an example in which both strategies produce similar results. Since crowd-coding yields the potential to extend the replication standard to data production and to ‘scale’ coding schemes based on a modest number of carefully devised test questions and answers, it is important that its possibilities and limitations are better understood. While previous results for low complexity coding tasks are encouraging, this study assesses whether and under what conditions simple and complex coding tasks can be outsourced to the crowd without sacrificing content validity in return for scalability. The simple task is to decide whether a party statement counts as positive reference to a concept – in this case: equality. The complex task is to distinguish between five concepts of equality. To account for the crowd-coder's contextual knowledge, the IP restrictions are varied. The basis for comparisons is 1,404 party statements, coded by experts and the crowd (resulting in 30,000 online judgements). Comparisons of the expert-crowd match at the level of statements and party manifestos show that the results are substantively similar even for the complex task, suggesting that complex category schemes can be scaled via crowd-coding. The match is only slightly higher when IP restrictions are used as an approximation of coder expertise.     

Climate change refugees

Under the UNHCR definition of a refugee, set out in the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, people fleeing their homes because of natural disasters or other environmental problems do not qualify for refugee status and the protection that come from such status. In a recent paper, I defended the essentials of the UNHCR definition on the grounds that refugee status and protection is best reserved for people who can only be helped by granting them refuge in a safe state for an indefinite period of time, and argued that this does not include most people fleeing from natural disasters. This claim is most strongly challenged by the possibility of displacement from climate change. In this paper, I will explore to what degree the logic of the refugee convention, as set out in my earlier paper, can and should be extended to those fleeing the results of climate change.     

Global equality of opportunity and self-determination in the context of immigration

David Miller’s political philosophy of immigration employs two complementary argumentative strategies to challenge open border theories. The first strategy is to defeat the principled case for open borders, such as the global equality of opportunity argument for more lax immigration control. The second strategy is to establish the democratic community’s prima facie right to determine the shape of its future, including membership and the right to exclude. First, I argue that Miller’s conception of global equality of opportunity is overly narrow and that his objections to the principle, to the metric and to what counts as feasible political action misfire against other, more plausible, accounts. Second, I argue that his democratic interpretation of collective self-determination does not solve the pressing question concerning the morally justified scope and content of self-determination and the moral limits of the right to exclude. I conclude by questioning Miller’s general strategy: whether theories of immigration should be engaged in an exercise of shifting the burden of proof between open and closed borders. By contrast, I argue that a more desirable task for the political philosophy of immigration is to find ways in which the joint requirement of global equality of opportunity and collective self-determination can be coherently upheld.     

Equality,value pluralism and relevance: Is luck egalitarianism in one way good,but not all things considered?

Abstract

Some luck egalitarians argue that justice is just one value among others and is thus not necessarily what we should strive for in order to make the world better. Yet, by focusing on only one dimension of what matters – luck equality – it proves very difficult to draw political implications in cases where several values are in tension. We believe that normative political philosophy must have the ambitionto guide political action. Hence, in this paper we make a negative and a positive point. Negatively, we argue that the inability to offer recommendations on what to strive for potentially weakens Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen’s account of luck egalitarianism. In order not to be irrelevant for political practice, a more serviceable version of luck egalitarianism that would allow for all-things-considered judgments is needed. Positively, we examine two possible routes toward such a view. One would be to stick to pluralism, but to discuss possible clashes and find a rule of regulation in each case. Another would consist in giving up value pluralism by identifying an over-arching value or principle that would arbitrate between different values. We suggest that Lippert-Rasmussen’s foundation of equality carries the potential for such an overarching principle.     

The 'paradox of enrollment': Assessing the costs and benefits of party memberships

Abstract. From Duverger onward, students of party organization have failed to address systematically the question of what party members actually do for 'mass' parties. This article argues that a clearer understanding of the particular reasons why parties want to have members can help us better interpret ongoing changes in relations between specific party organizations and individual party members. This article lists a wide range of arguments that parties are most likely to make concerning the costs and benefits of memberships. Which of these types of arguments a specific party highlights has implications about the types of members it is looking to attract, and about what the party will be willing to offer to attract such members. The article concludes with a discussion showing how the perspective developed here can be used to illuminate recent changes in several German and British political party organizations, changes which, by themselves, may appear to be isolated and meaningless organizational details.     

Debating Opportunities, Outcomes and Democracy: Young and Phillips on Equality

Within recent egalitarian theory, the ideal of equal opportunity holds considerable sway. Liberal egalitarians increasingly concentrate on refining this ideal, as do a number of Marxist theorists. At the same time many radical critics are unhappy with various aspects of this hegemony of equality of opportunity, and this article examines the reasons for their unhappiness, as well as two possible solutions. The first would be to reject equal opportunities in favour of another conception of equality, or to argue that the ideal can only play a limited role within an egalitarian project. Another would be to try to radicalise the idea of equal opportunities: to argue that equality of opportunity can be a transformative ideal if it is interpreted sufficiently broadly or deeply. We can identify Anne Phillips with the first approach, and Iris Young with the second. On the question of whether equality of opportunity can provide an overarching normative framework for egalitarian politics, Young's response is in the positive, whereas Phillips' is in the negative. The article critically addresses this dilemma, and concludes by siding with Phillips, by arguing that equality of opportunity is not capable of standing in as an overarching normative principle for egalitarian politics.     

Quotas,women's leadership and grassroots women activists: Bringing women into the party?

Research has consistently shown that women are less likely than men to participate in political parties as members and activists; this participation gender gap has persisted despite narrowing gender gaps in education, employment and in other types of political participation.  Yet while the gaps are widespread, their size varies greatly by country as well as by party.  To what extent do party organizational factors help explain these disparities? More pointedly, are there any lessons to be learned from past experiences about party mechanisms which might help to reduce these gaps? To answer these questions, this study investigates grassroots partisan participation in 68 parties in 12 parliamentary democracies, considering whether factors that have been shown to boost the number of women candidates and legislators are also associated with changing the traditionally male dominance of grassroots party politics.  We find evidence of links between some party mechanisms and higher women's intra-party participation; however, because the same relationship holds for men's participation, they do not alter the participation gender gap. Only greater participation of women in parties’ parliamentary delegations is associated with smaller grassroots gender gaps. We conclude that parties which wish to close grassroots gender gaps should not rely solely on efforts aimed at remedying gender gaps at the elite level.