The Reparations Debate

This paper examines the reparations question from the perspective of its role in the post-1924 period. Particular attention is paid to the work of Albert Ritschl on the reparations regimes between 1924 and 1934. He stresses the competition between Germany's public and private debts and the importance of Germany's role as a sovereign debtor that could not commit national suicide by fulfilling its obligations at any social and political price but that sought to maintain its credit by giving primacy to its private obligations at the expense of reparations. There was some learning from the past after 1945. The London Debt Agreement of 1953 precluded a conflict between private and public debts by an exclusive concentration on private debts and the restoration of German credit.     

The Reparations Debate

This paper examines the reparations question from the perspective of its role in the post-1924 period. Particular attention is paid to the work of Albert Ritschl on the reparations regimes between 1924 and 1934. He stresses the competition between Germany's public and private debts and the importance of Germany's role as a sovereign debtor that could not commit national suicide by fulfilling its obligations at any social and political price but that sought to maintain its credit by giving primacy to its private obligations at the expense of reparations. There was some learning from the past after 1945. The London Debt Agreement of 1953 precluded a conflict between private and public debts by an exclusive concentration on private debts and the restoration of German credit.     

The Human Price of Reparations

Post-1918 Germany was gripped by severe foof shortages that devastated the health of urban children in particular. German politicans and officials became increasingly convinced that a state of near famine and the accompanying scourges of social and political disorder could not be adequately addressed given the demands placed on public finances and the wider economy by the reparations regime. While the British reacted by counselling a moderation of the reparations regime, the French accused Germany of instrumentalizing domestic crisis to undermine reparations and thereby compromise the Versailles Settlement. French sanctions culminated in an invasion of the Ruhr District in January 1923, which served to create a devastating famine in the region and to intensify popular antipathy in Germany to the reparations regime. The article concludes by considering briefly links between the perceived perfidy of reparations and the subsequent resonance of Nazi ideology and policy.     

The Human Price of Reparations

Post-1918 Germany was gripped by severe foof shortages that devastated the health of urban children in particular. German politicans and officials became increasingly convinced that a state of near famine and the accompanying scourges of social and political disorder could not be adequately addressed given the demands placed on public finances and the wider economy by the reparations regime. While the British reacted by counselling a moderation of the reparations regime, the French accused Germany of instrumentalizing domestic crisis to undermine reparations and thereby compromise the Versailles Settlement. French sanctions culminated in an invasion of the Ruhr District in January 1923, which served to create a devastating famine in the region and to intensify popular antipathy in Germany to the reparations regime. The article concludes by considering briefly links between the perceived perfidy of reparations and the subsequent resonance of Nazi ideology and policy.     

Sir John Bradbury and the Reparations Commission, 1920-25

This article looks at a neglected episode during the work of the Reparations Commission of 1920-25 leading up to the Dawes Plan of 1924, when the British delegate to the Commission, Sir John Bradbury, drew up a plan to reschedule German reparation payments in an attempt to take the venom out of the debate over these payments. It takes as its documentary basis the previously unpublished papers of Sir John in his role as Britain's representative on the Reparations Commission from 1920 to 1925. The article concludes that Bradbury's plan had the potential to defuse at least some of the problems encountered in the political and economic results of the reparations policy and that it made a significant contribution to the thinking that emerged in the Dawes Plan.     

J.M. Keynes and the Personal Politics of Reparations: Part 2

The second part of this article shows that John Maynard Keynes worked closely with the German Finance and Foreign ministries as a supposed neutral expert in October 1922. He supported passive resistance to the French in the Ruhr without regard to its effects on the currency, secretly collaborated in writing the German reparations note of June 1923, and then praised his own work in a weekly that he controlled. Keynes opposed the 1929 Young Plan that re-scheduled the German debt and declined to accept modern thinking on overcoming the transfer problem.     

J.M. Keynes and the Personal Politics of Reparations: Part 1

Some observers still regard John Maynard Keynes’ polemic against the Treaty of Versailles as serious economic analysis. In fact, Keynes continued to play an unacknowledged partisan role in reparation diplomacy during the 1920s. He suggests in a memoir that he never saw the Hamburg banker Carl Melchior alone again after October 1919. Using German sources not exploited by Keynes’ principal biographers, this analysis shows that the intimate relationship continued. Melchior drew Keynes into the highest governing circles of the Reich. Keynes supported the 1922–1923 German hyper-inflation on political grounds and helped craft the German reparations note of June 1923.     

试析20世纪50年代中后期日本与东南亚各国战后赔偿问题的解决

日本法西斯挑起的侵略战争给东南亚各国人民造成了巨大损失 ,日本理应给予赔偿 ,在日本战败前夕及战后初期 ,各受害国纷纷提出了赔偿要求 ,国际社会也提出日本必须予以赔偿 ,并制定了一系列有关赔偿的原则和方案。但是 ,由于冷战的出现与加剧、中国革命的胜利 ,美国对日政策发生了根本性的转变。由战后初期的铲除日本赖以发动侵略战争的经济基础、复兴周边各国的惩罚政策向扶植日本、使其充当防共“防波堤” ①的宽容和重建政策转变。赔偿问题一度搁浅。然而 ,到了20世纪50年代中后期 ,一直久拖不决的赔偿问题终于以协商的方式得以解决。那…     

A Long Long Road ahead

Yang: To sum up what we have discussed, we can conclude that multi-lateral security cooperative mechanism is required in Northeast Asia and the demand is increasing. However due to its complexity of the region and different considerations of various parties, what kind of mechanism can be set up and when will it be set up depend on common efforts from various parties, especially on the key links such as effectively communicating, increasing confidence and eliminating doubts,accumulating consensus in order to reach a concerted effort. Let us discuss the key factors that determine Northeast security mechanism.……     

基于供应链的循环物流系统运作模式分析——以SHARP公司和施乐公司的成功经验为例

由于循环物流系统的构建与运作,不仅需充分考虑到单个企业的物流系统运作情况,而且还必须要与其自身运作过程中的相关供应链上的关联者协同起来并进而最终建立起包括生产商、批发商、零售商与消费者在内的生产→流通→消费→再利用的循环物流系统,因此,在大力发展循环经济的背景下,基于供应链的角度来构建起对环境友好与能有效利用资源的循环物流系统,无疑是有着重大理论与实践意义的。     

国际政治长周期与体系进化--莫德尔斯基长周期理论再解读

20世纪80年代,美国著名国际政治学家乔治·莫德尔斯基创立了国际政治长周期理论,之后便引起了学术界的广泛关注.文章认为,莫氏长周期理论为我们提供了一个以各个领导国的兴衰和全球战争为关注重点的周期模式,同时也揭示了一个以领导国的革新因素和国际体系的结构性变革为中心的进化模式,此两者并行不悖、相互作用.在长周期框架中,主要表现为大国力量消长的结构性危机构成了威胁各个体系稳定的全球问题,正是全球问题的存在为国际体系的进化变革提供了依据和动力,而历史上解决全球问题,实现体系进化的主要机制便是全球战争.这是一个螺旋向上的进化过程.由此,理论分析和历史沿革表明体系进化是长周期理论中的另一重要体现.     

《狐火》少女帮中的“长腿”形象刍论

美国当代作家欧茨在小说《狐火》中,塑造了一个以“越轨”的极端方式对抗社会弊痼的少女帮头领形象——“长腿”。尽管同马克·吐温笔下的少男哈克一样叛逆不羁,但长腿的越轨有着十分复杂的社会和心理原因,不能简单地等同于违法乱纪。欧茨以一种既谴责又同情、既赞扬又惋惜的矛盾心理,展开了一场细致入微的少女心灵剖析和鞭辟入里的社会学盘点。并在作品的结尾采取了一个不写明主人公命运结局的模糊美学模式,从而把对“长腿”的认知权杖交给了读者。     

尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）执政后的对外政策走向

新近执政的尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）从新生共和国的国家安全和国家利益出发，适时调整对外政策，奉行更加务实的、灵活的大国平衡外交，其对外政策的核心是调整、发展与印度、中国和美国等大国的关系，以荻取大国经济和政治支持。     

Long Waves in Economics - Waves of Democracy

Huntington's division into three 'waves' of democratization is now widely used in the literature. However, he offers no overall causation for the ebb and flow of democratization. Elsewhere, Hobsbawm has used long-wave economics for the basis of a wave-like pattern of modern history. Might this provide a causal explanation for waves of democratization? This article argues that the democratization process follows a wave-like pattern that closely mirrors that of long-wave economics, if exogenous transitions are allowed for. In addition, it both provides a possible causation in that differing long-term economic trends give rise to differing political movements and priorities amongst citizens and questions the validity of Huntington's 'third wave'. The article helps to explain how the different theoretical approaches to the democratization process can be explained on a historical basis. Finally, it offers an alternative schema for a wave-like democratization process and suggests that a reverse wave is not likely to be imminent.     

The backlash against civil society in the wake of the Long War on Terror

The enthusiasm for civil society that emerged in the late 1980s and 1990s with the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the spread of democratic regimes has been replaced in recent years by a backlash against civil society on many levels and fronts. This has particularly intensified since the attacks of 11 September 2001 and the ensuing global war on terror. This article examines the causes of this backlash within the context of the ‘Long War on Terror’, describes the overt and implicit manifestations of the backlash, and reflects upon the implications for the future. It considers how the growing prominence of concerns about security and the concomitant expansion of counter-terrorist measures across the world threaten the spaces for civil society to flourish and act. It argues that while the manifestations of the backlash, such as the crackdown on NGOs in Russia and the taming of NGOs by bilateral and multilateral agencies, may appear to be disparate, unconnected phenomena, on closer inspection it is clear that they are intricately intertwined.     

再接再厉,办好《西亚非洲》--《西亚非洲》杂志社2005年编委会会议纪要

为了进一步提高《西亚非洲》杂志的质量,全面促进编辑工作水平的提高,同时加强杂志社与全体编委之间的沟通和联系,本刊杂志社于2005年7月15日在中国社会科学院西亚非洲研究所召开了编辑委员会会议。会议由《西亚非洲》主编杨光同志主持,本刊副主编、编辑部主任徐拓同志做了工作     

北约转型路漫漫

后冷战时代北约启动改革,以求续存与发展,但其指导思想与行动中旧态尚重,新意不足,难以完成期望中的转型。北约在国际事务中地位有降,未来前景具有不确定性。     

十载东风万里路

转眼之间,新世纪翻过了一个十年。这十年,我主要从事辽宁省对外文化交流工作,时常走出国门,时常请外国文化使者来访,结交了许多中外朋友,开阔了视野,增长了见识。置身中外文明的大观园,耳濡目染,我对外国的一些文化,从新鲜到喜欢;对中国的优秀文化,从喜欢到热爱。走近外国文化,     

中非友谊源远流长

中非人民的友好交往源远流长,中非友谊经受了时间的考验.新的世纪,我们应站在战略高度,积极开拓,扎实工作,与非洲各国政府和人民共同努力,营造一个长期稳定、真诚友好、全面合作、更富活力的中非关系.为此,我们应密切高层交往,搞好对非经贸合作,不断推动中非政党、议会及工、青、妇、文教、卫生、新闻、体育、学术等领域的友好交流,使中非友谊在各个社会阶层深入人心.