The European Union Global Strategy: What Kind of Foreign Policy Identity?

Some dismiss the recent EU Global Strategy as a “triumph of hope over experience”, an impracticable and therefore ultimately irrelevant statement; others are enthusiastic about what they see as perseverance and renewed ambition in the face of the present crisis. Although the 2016 Strategy appears more modest than its 2003 predecessor in operational terms, the range of deliberations that fed into it and the quality of the document itself demonstrate a greater maturity of reflection on foreign policy. A critical reading of the document shows that concepts such as normative power and differentiated inclusion of neighbours in the EU’s system of governance have all but disappeared. The emerging EU identity appears to be debilitated by the centrifugal processes of internal contestation and a drastically downsized claim for external power projection. An alternative plan for action will have to deal with the Union’s vulnerabilities and carve out a role that is distinct, yet in line with this new self-understanding.     

Unintended Consequences of EU External Action

ABSTRACT

There is a gap in IR and EU scholarship concerning unintended consequences in an international context, leaving this important phenomenon understudied. To fill this gap, a conceptualisation of unintended consequences is offered, and a set of common research questions are presented, highlighting the nature (what), the causes (why) and the modes of management (how) of unintended consequences of EU external action. The Special Issue contributes to the study of the EU as an international actor by broadening the notion of the EU’s impact abroad to include the unintended consequences of EU (in)actions and by shedding new light on the conceptual paradigms that explain EU external action.     

Resilience as the new EU foreign policy paradigm: a pragmatist turn?

This article examines the rise of resilience discourses in EU foreign policy. The European Union Global Strategy (EUGS) refers to building state and societal resilience in its neighbourhood as one of the key strategic priorities of the EU. This article argues that the discourse of resilience that permeates the EUGS chimes well with a pragmatist turn in social sciences and global governance. The EUGS introduces resilience-building alongside an emphasis on flexibility, tailor-made approaches and the need for local ownership, capacity-building and comprehensiveness. More importantly, the new EUGS proposes “principled pragmatism” as a new operating principle in its foreign policy. While this might suggest a more pragmatic EU foreign policy, a closer examination of the EUGS discourse reveals significant tensions between a pragmatic and a principled foreign policy, which undermine the added value of resilience-building as a new foreign policy paradigm.     

The European Union and Belarus: democracy promotion by technocratic means?

Is Belarus an enviable constant in international relations: a maverick, isolated from the West and inseparable from the East? On the surface, there seems to be business as usual: Lukashenko's regime remains unchallenged; Belarus’ relations with the European Union – spasmodic at best; while its absorption into Russia's Eurasian project continues apace. Yet, some critical disjunctures – manifested in government tacit resistance to Russia's influence, and more instructively, in people's growing affinity with Europe – may indicate a sea-change transformation in the very fabric of society. This article, utilizing extensive and subject-focused research, conducted in the country between 2009 and 2013, examines the nature and causalities of the occurring change. It argues that democracy promotion, in Belarus’ case, may work better when depoliticized and inculcated, through norms, regulations, and practices of international order, into the daily lives of individuals. Through its continued technocratic, inclusive, and sector-level engagement, European Union governance, even under the conditions of limited bilateral dialogue, have succeeded in fostering much-needed space for reciprocal learning and critical reasoning, which may have far greater transformative potential than manufacturing a single collective will for democracy building.     

1988年以来缅甸对外经济关系的发展及其意义

1988年以来缅甸的对外经济关系有了长足的发展,并对缅甸经济以及内政外交产生了重要影响。本文从政治-经济及其互动的角度分析缅甸对外经济关系发展的成效和特点以及对缅甸所具有的意义。文章认为,缅甸的对外经济关系对缅甸军政府的维系至关重要,但由于受到西方国家制裁的严重制约,对缅甸国内经济的支持有限。     

打造共同安全的“命运共同体”:分析方法与建设路径探索

\"命运共同体\"是中国外交的指导方针和战略目的,具有正义性、和平性、包容性、综合性和科学性。它反映了一个崛起的中国如何处理与外界关系的思想理念。\"命运共同体\"建设首先需要中国运用物质力量来推动,但它拒绝简单地被\"国强必霸\"的传统思维来分析和理解。运用西方既有主流理论范式来理解和分析\"命运共同体\"有其局限。中国外交需要中国思维和视角。过程建构主义是主流范式之外的中国理论创新,它可以赋予中国外交政策及\"命运共同体\"以新的解释。但过程建构主义仍是单一范式研究,而由于\"命运共同体\"是一个复杂、具体的问题导向研究,因此,借用分析折中主义,并纳入过程建构主义来分析和考察\"命运共同体\",可以发现,\"命运共同体\"既是一个经济、政治和安全秩序,也是一个观念秩序;利益共同体是它的基础,安全共同体是它的保障,共有知识的建构是其最高标准。共同安全是\"命运共同体\"的重要保障和战略目标,即它展示的和平发展战略凸显了中国尊重他者的合理安全诉求;合作共赢原则反映了在相互依赖程度不断深化的国际格局中合作安全的重要性;伙伴关系战略则展示了中国探索和实践\"同盟安全\"之外的新安全观的外交努力。     

Regional institutions: State withering or consolidation. the case of the Arab summits

The European Commission has spelled out its policy ambition for EU energy cooperation with the southern neighbourhood with plans for the establishment of an ‘Energy Community’. Its communications make clear that an Energy Community should be based on regulatory convergence with the EU acquis communautaire, much in the same vein as the existing institution carrying the same name; the Energy Community with Southeast Europe. It is puzzling that the Commission insists on repackaging this enlargement concept in a region with very different types of relationships vis-à-vis the EU, especially when considering the lukewarm position of key stakeholders in the field. According to them, any attempt to introduce a political integration model in this highly sensitive issue area in the politically fragmented MENA region might run the risk of hurting the incremental technical integration process that has slowly emerged over the past few years.     

俄罗斯区域经济一体化战略的调整及其前景分析

俄罗斯在区域经济一体化战略上经历了“亲西方”、欧亚并重和全方位的区域经济一体化战略等三个阶段。从俄罗斯区域经济一体化战略调整的前景看,俄罗斯虽然一直表现出强烈的融入欧洲的愿望,但近期内不可能实现。普京政府调整对独联体政策的新趋势是加强双边合作和“次区域合作”来促进独联体一体化的发展。俄罗斯在取得了与亚太地区国家进行经贸合作的主动权后,跳入了亚太经济一体化的浪潮,将多面发展的侧重点放在了东北亚地区。     

Europe and Iran’s Nuclear Issue: The Labours and Sorrows of a Supporting Actor

At the time of writing, representatives from Iran and the E3/EU+3 are trying to work out an agreement that will guarantee that Iran’s controversial nuclear programme, widely suspected of having a military purpose, serves only peaceful ends. As the negotiations enter their most crucial phase, the time is ripe to attempt an assessment of the role played by the only actor, besides Iran, that has been on stage since it all began over ten years ago: Europe. Throughout this long drama, Europe’s performance has had some brilliant moments. Yet the quality of its acting has decreased as a new protagonist, the US, has come on stage. Overall, the Europeans’ record is positive, albeit not entirely spotless.