共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Craig Boardman 《管理》2014,27(3):519-526
This commentary responds to Fukuyama's (2013) rejection of “final outputs” as measures of government quality. It argues that public administration research should address policy outcomes in “national mission areas.” But public administration scholars should not simply become policy analysts. Rather, they should become policy analysts for policy areas that can benefit from expertise in organizations and management. 相似文献
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Elizabeth Baldwin Camille Washington‐Ottombre Jampel Dell'Angelo Daniel Cole Tom Evans 《管理》2016,29(2):207-225
In Kenya, as in many developing countries, centralized control over water resources was implemented to improve agricultural productivity. By the 1980s, however, Kenya's postindependence policies of bureaucratic control were in disarray, and conflicts over water use were common. More recently, Kenya has embarked on a series of reforms that create a polycentric approach to water governance, in which decision making about water resources is shared among multiple, overlapping local, regional, and national authorities. Drawing on archival and field research, we examine these reforms in their historic context and argue that whereas centralized control was poorly adapted to the Kenyan context, polycentric governance is better suited to Kenya's variable social and ecological conditions and the available resources of its administrative agencies. 相似文献
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Merilee S. Grindle 《管理》2004,17(4):525-548
The good governance agenda is unrealistically long and growing longer over time. Among the multitude of governance reforms that "must be done" to encourage development and reduce poverty, there is little guidance about what's essential and what's not, what should come first and what should follow, what can be achieved in the short term and what can only be achieved over the longer term, what is feasible and what is not. If more attention is given to sorting out these questions, "good enough governance" may become a more realistic goal for many countries faced with the goal of reducing poverty. Working toward good enough governance means accepting a more nuanced understanding of the evolution of institutions and government capabilities; being explicit about trade-offs and priorities in a world in which all good things cannot be pursued at once; learning about what's working rather than focusing solely on governance gaps; taking the role of government in poverty alleviation seriously; and grounding action in the contextual realities of each country. 相似文献
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今年我国或将提起审议监察官法。监察官法的出台是对现行法律难以有效管理监察官队伍的必要回应,有利于提升监察职业的威信。监察官应当走专业化发展道路,试行员额制改革,将法律职业资格作为监察机关执纪调查部门初任监察官的准入条件,采用专业技术序列设置监察官的等级。在制定监察官法的具体结构和内容上,参照新修订的《法官法》《检察官法》,我国监察试点经验以及域外监察法规,监察官的范围应当限于行使国家监察权力的专责监察人员;监察官的职权尤为需要注重保密义务与树立监察权威;经验、能力、品性、政治素养应当是遴选监察官的考量因素,对于初任监察官、转隶人员、原纪检监察部门过渡人员应当予以区别任用;应当强化对监察官的培训、任职回避与监督管理,构建系统的监察官考核、奖励和惩戒机制;在工资保险福利、职务、人身安全、职业伦理、辞职辞退与退休等方面对监察官要加以保障。 相似文献
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Mark Beeson 《管理》2001,14(4):481-502
In the wake of the crisis that developed in East Asia during 1997, perceptions of the region have been transformed. Critics claim that East Asian political practices and economic structures must be reformed if the region is to prosper in an era of globalization. In short, the region must adopt a different sort of public policy, one associated with an influential agenda of "good governance." This paper critically assesses this discourse and the predominately "Western" assumptions that underpin it. It is argued that, not only is this reformist agenda likely to be resisted by powerful vested interests, but the institutional infrastructure to support such a style of governance is inadequately developed in East Asia. 相似文献
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Arwin van Buuren 《International Public Management Journal》2013,16(2):208-235
ABSTRACT Different ways of knowing (WOKs) present in governance processes easily give rise to controversies and conflicts and forestall collective action. To resolve these conflicts it is necessary to understand what constitutes a WOK and how we can organize inclusion through collaborative governance. This paper argues that WOKs contain different knowledge elements: they contain different bodies of factual knowledge, formulate specific knowledge questions, and prefer different methods and knowledge institutes. WOKs also encompass different frames, interpretations, or normative perceptions of reality. And finally, different WOKs make use of different sources and types of organizing capacity. Realizing successful collaborative governance processes means organizing inclusion of these different components of knowledge. This paper investigates the implications of this knowledge diversity for realizing collaborative governance processes and the challenges for inclusive knowledge management—through an in-depth case study of a collaborative governance process between the Netherlands and Flanders. We conclude that realizing inclusion between various WOKs and their knowledge components contributes to the overall success of a collaborative governance process. However, managing inclusive knowledge is as much a matter of conscious strategies as it is the result of an emergent interaction process between stakeholders, experts, and officials within various WOKs. Furthermore, although knowledge inclusion facilitates successful negotiation between stakeholders, it doesn't guarantee a successful outcome of these negotiations. 相似文献
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Jorgen Grønnegåd Christensen 《Scandinavian political studies》1997,20(4):367-386
In a review of five recent works on Scandinavian politics and public policy, it is shown that the basis for talking about a Scandinavian model is unfounded. Politics and policies diverge from country to country and within each country from sector to sector as a result of institutional variation. This variation is embedded in institutional history which accounts for strong national path dependency in public policies. However, the institutional set-up at a given point in time also provides political actors with incentives for change. Two of the works reviewed take up this lead as they argue for institutional reform, in one case to protect the welfare state against political erosion, in the other case to facilitate renewed economic growth and improved living standards. The review concludes by arguing for the positive prospects for systematic comparative analysis of Scandinavian politics, providing a mixture of institutional and political similarities combined with theoretically relevant variation. 相似文献
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This article explores the connection between political process, performance, and outcomes. It lays out a set of key analytic distinctions (exogenous versus endogenous effects, micro versus macro level effects and influences, design and chance, and structures versus people) and then looks at conceptual problems in defining governmental outcomes, performance, and process. It gives extended attention to the criteria of effective governance and to the complex relationship of performance, values, and effectiveness, with emphasis on the prospects for improving governmental performance by manipulating modes of governance. 相似文献
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Collaborative governance is intended to solve complex problems and promote democratic outcomes by connecting ground‐level stakeholders with government. In order for these goals to be met, however, participants must have meaningful influence and opportunities for voice. Using national survey data from Continuums of Care (CoCs) mandated by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, this article investigates what structural characteristics of collaborative governance networks are related to promoting stakeholder inclusion and voice through policy advocacy involvement. Specifically, it investigates which network characteristics are associated with (1) the frequency of advocacy involvement by the network, (2) providers' engagement in and influence over that advocacy, and (3) the CoC having stronger relationships with policy makers. Findings show significant relationships between greater network capacity and network advocacy, and between network governance structure and provider engagement and influence in that advocacy. Networks have stronger relationships with policy makers when providers are more engaged, providers have more influence, network capacity is higher, and direct advocacy tactics are used. 相似文献
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Bidhya Bowornwathana 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1996,55(4):55-63
This article discusses the politics of administrative reform. Though politicians and bureaucrats may agree on a reform blueprint, both tend to view administrative reform as means towards achieving different ends. To demonstrate the 'political tool' function of administrative reform, I will review the reform experience of the Thai Office of the Secretariat of the Prime Minister (OSPM) during the Chuan government (1992–95). Despite several proposals to reform the OSPM, at the end of its tenure the Chuan government had made only minor changes to the OSPM. This article argues that while failing to achieve significant reform, the process does demonstrate the politician-bureaucrat relationship.
The article is divided into two parts. The first outlines the conceptual framework which captures the politics of reform. The second presents four case studies representing efforts to introduce reform to the OSPM during the period of the Chuan government.
During the Chuan government, the author served as the Head of the Secretariat of the Administrative Reform Commission (ARC), ad hoc office in the OSPM established by the Prime Minister, charged with reviewing proposals to reform the OSPM. The author was also appointed to committees which were assigned to advise the PM about ways to reform the OSPM. 相似文献
The article is divided into two parts. The first outlines the conceptual framework which captures the politics of reform. The second presents four case studies representing efforts to introduce reform to the OSPM during the period of the Chuan government.
During the Chuan government, the author served as the Head of the Secretariat of the Administrative Reform Commission (ARC), ad hoc office in the OSPM established by the Prime Minister, charged with reviewing proposals to reform the OSPM. The author was also appointed to committees which were assigned to advise the PM about ways to reform the OSPM. 相似文献
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In the 1980s many developing and newly industrializing countries in Asia expressed great interest in administrative reform. Compelling reasons for public reform in these nations arise from causes different from those in developed nations. Among Asian developing nations, government reform is intrinsic to and inextricable from crises in governance. Within the context of developing politics, a reliable and competent government is sine qua non of national stability; and, more importantly, this largely decides the tenure of a governing group. Its ability to remain in power will be determined by the efficaciousness of public authority. Against these backgrounds, this article discusses the five conference papers of the Eastern Regional Organization of Public Administration (EROPA) of 1991. It examines both similarities and differences among four countries in their efforts to reform public administration. This review suggests that in developing Asia, the quest for administrative reform emanates from crises in governance. Reform goes beyond exploring ways to improve the quality of public management. 相似文献
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CANER BAKIR 《管理》2009,22(4):571-598
Recent studies on institutional theory and the public policy field called for efforts to pry open the black box of institutional and policy change. This article offers a response to this call. It demonstrates that historical and discursive institutionalist approaches are complementary to explain how and why institutional change occurs. In addition, it shows how these approaches can add value to and benefit from the public policy and administration fields that seek to explain policy change and success. In particular, it emphasizes the interactions between structure and agency that contribute to the change. The empirical finding is based on qualitative analysis of central banking reform in Turkey. It suggests that institutional and policy change is more likely to occur when policy entrepreneurs, with joint membership in domestic and transnational policy communities, mediate various ideas and discourse within and among these communities in a punctuated institutional equilibrium. 相似文献
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通过对当代中国地方政府机构改革的一些典型个案进行分析,发现其陷入困境的深层次原因在于强调国家统一管理而导致的地方治理结构单一化。当代中国的地方治理结构单一化是历史遗传和传统体制的产物,与转轨时期纵向政府间关系中存在的压力型体制也有着内在的关联。随着改革的深入,地方治理结构单一化的弊端逐渐显现出来。但是,从美国和英国等西方发达国家的实践来看,地方治理结构多元化与国家的统一管理并不矛盾。因此,在已有的地方政府机构改革的思路基础上,实现地方治理结构多元化应该成为继续推进当代中国地方政府机构改革的新思路。 相似文献
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WILLIAM CASE 《管理》1994,7(4):431-460
Because of the diversity that characterizes politics in Southeast Asia, area specialists hasve lacked a framework for comparative analysis. Drawing on some of the recent transitions literature, this article argues the worth of investigating political regime forms, the extent to which a country's politics are stable or unstable and democratic or authoritarian. It then focuses on three important Southeast Asian countries — Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand — analyzing stabilitylinstability in terms of state elites and their rules of the game, while considering democracylauthoriturianism in terms of societal audiences and legitimating "mentalities." Briefly, Indonesia's authoritarian regime (and its strong appearance of stability) is attributed to astute personalist leadership, muted elite rivalries, and control over societal audiences. In contrast, Thailand's unstable democracy emerges from uneven national leadership, perennial elite disunity, and episodic surges in societal pressures. And Malaysia's semi-democratic regime — in some ways bordered by the outcomes in Indonesia and Thailand — is explained by skilful national leadership and sustained elite unity, offsetting the country's ftuctuating levels of societal tensions and claims. 相似文献
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