当代资本主义世界体系的主要特点

当代资本主义世界体系是通过资本国际流动维系的经济网络,是以国家经济集团为行为主体、私人垄断组织积极参与的体系,是有各种国际经济组织干预和调节的体系,也是个不平等、不平衡的层级结构和矛盾重重的体系。     

《共产党宣言》对世界格局的判断与全球治理体系变革

在《共产党宣言》发表的19世纪中叶,新兴资产阶级与封建势力处于对抗之中,欧洲无产阶级运动和亚非拉民族民主运动不断兴起。一个以资本主义国家为新兴主导力量,封建君主制国家和广大殖民地为传统守旧力量的世界格局正在逐渐形成。马克思恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中从唯物史观视角对此进行了科学批判,阐明这一世界格局是资本主义进行全球剥削和压迫的工具本质。他们认为,要构建"自由人联合体"必须变革这一世界格局,变革主体是以无产阶级及其政党为代表的革命阶级,变革方式是世界范围内的无产阶级革命。立足国内外两个百年大局,深入理解《共产党宣言》对世界格局的科学论断,可以为变革现有全球治理体系以及构建人类命运共同体提供理论支撑和方法启示。     

从世界体系理论来认识资本主义历史发展的趋向

研究资本主义有不同的视角,本文认为从世界体系理论的视角来研究资本主义体系,能够为我们密切结合全球化进程的现实,深刻认识资本主义历史发展的趋向提供一个较新的视点.文章首先阐述了马克思主义关于世界体系的思想,并结合西方学者有关现代世界体系的重要观点,论述了现代世界体系理论产生和发展对认识和把握世界资本主义的重要性.其次,文章从世界体系的结构出发分析资本主义世界的新变化及问题.最后,根据当代资本主义世界体系的新变化,提出作为一个世界体系的资本主义的发展趋向.     

论当代资本主义世界体系的结构与矛盾

当代世界经济体系是经济全球化的历史进程的结果,是以西方资本主义国家为中心、欠发达国家为外围的,存在于统一世界范围的资本循环过程中的双重结构,应当从世界体系的视野,认识当代资本运动的矛盾与规律。     

三大因素影响世界经济复苏

今年以来，世界经济基本上延续了2010年的复苏势头，但是美国经济复苏减缓、欧洲债务危机以及新兴经济体通胀困局仍然深刻地影响着世界经济的复苏进程。     

国际关系中的世界城市:世界体系论的视角

论文在简要回顾了世界体系论的主要观点的基础上,系统地总结了从世界体系角度出发的世界城市理论。该理论认为,世界城市的性质、地位和内部特征都由世界经济体系所决定,随着劳动分工、资本控制的变化而变化;在信息时代和全球化的背景下,世界城市承担着国际生产、金融和资本控制中心的职能,实现着最大化的剩余价值抽取;跨国资本阶层是世界城市的主人和主要受益者,中低收入阶层、移民等群体的处境却在恶化;世界城市由于在金融、生产性服务业和企业总部等方面的集中性程度的差异,构成了一个以中心和半边缘地带的世界城市为核心、世界其他地区为边缘的世界城市体系。论文的最后对从世界体系角度出发的世界城市理论进行了简要的总结、评论和批判。     

经济全球化对世界政治经济的影响

世界经济的全球化发展给世界各国政治经济发展带来极大影响。追溯经济全球化形成的历史背景,探析经济全球化对世界政治经济的影响,对于我们正视全球化浪潮,抓住新机遇,迎接新挑战,具有重要的理论意义和现实意义。一、经济全球化的历史背景从经济关系上看,经济全球化是世界经济发展的必然趋势。资本主义制度确立以后,资本主义国家通过殖民掠夺,其贸易迅速向外扩展。随着生产力的发展,世界贸易范围的不断扩大,国际分工的不断加深,最终促进了世界市场的形成。世界市场把世界各国从经济上联结为一体。这种全球性的经济联系便是经济向全球扩展的…     

马克思的遗产和当代的民族解放运动

本文阐述了马克思关于殖民主义及其前途的理论,着重论述以下一些马克思的观点:古代和中世纪的殖民扩张与殖民主义政策的原则区别,殖民地国家在科技方面取得的进步与殖民主义政策的原则区别,殖民主义与资本主义的命运本质上的一致性,西方无产阶级革命与东方民族解放运动的内在联系及东方前殖民地国家非资本主义化发展的可能性等问题。     

对资本主义发展进程的一些认识

资本主义作为一种社会制度和社会生产方式,从诞生至今,已大约500年的历史。二次世界大战结束后,尽管世界上有一些国家脱离了资本主义世界体系,但资本主义世界的中心部分,即发达资本主义国家仍然生存下来,并且有了空前的发展,在科技、经济、社会等许多方面,都达到很高的水平。然而,资本主义终究是不合理的社会制度,在它发展的进程中,固有的矛盾和弊端始终存在。本文对有关资本主义发展的几个问题,谈一些看法。     

我国参与国际分工的地位变化及战略调整

经济全球化作为生产的社会化和国际分工高度发展的产物,已成为世界经济发展的必然趋势.中国作为世界上最大的发展中国家,其参与国际分工的经济发展模式和发展基础具有自身的独特性.基于比较优势理论、资源禀赋理论和国家竞争优势理论,我国参与国际分工应遵循三项基本原则,即比较优势原则、动态原则和适时从比较优势战略向竞争优势战略转变原则.因而,从长远利益出发,制定不同经济发展阶段的国际分工参与战略,不仅可以提高我国参与国际分工的价值链层次,而且也是实现国际竞争优势和整体国家利益最大化的有效途径.     

Rethinking international migration: a review and critique

A new style of international migration, temporary and often illegal immigration in order to work, began to emerge after World War II. Many countries initiated immigration policies that gave the appearance of control, while their back doors remained open and, possibly, unclosable. In the US, it is slowly becoming obvious that foreign workers cannot be used as a temporary labor force at will. 2 usual theories of migration are the classical and the conflicts schools. The classical school presents migration as a rational, economic act that leads to economic adjustment between sending and receiving countries. The conflict school, often Marxist, views migration as an unequal process that leads to the inclusion of developing countries into the world capitalist system and to a widenin gap between rich and poor countries. The convergence of these 2 theories leads to the idea that although migration may be a survival strategy of individuals and households, it is also determined by a country's integration in the world economic system. The author reviews several books on immigration theory, which appreciate the complexity and worldwide character of migration; indicate that migration patterns are persistent; and support the view that migration is an economic, social, and political problem; and recommend that policies must be integrated and address the entire issue.     

From capacity to sovereignty: Legislative politics and differentiated integration in the European Union

The literature suggests that legislative politics among European Union Member States is characterised by economic exchanges, and constrained by the social norms of a European community of legislators. Both views draw a clear line between the legislative process and the conflicts over sovereignty that have left their mark on treaty making and European public opinion since the 1990s. This article suggests revisiting this view, based on an analysis of why Member States have opted out of legislation from the 1970s to today. It argues that differentiation, while once a response to capacity problems of relatively poor countries, has recently become driven by sovereignty concerns of the Union's wealthy and nationally oriented Members that oppose the EU's intrusion into core state powers. The article presents evidence for the impact on legislative outcomes of factors so far thought not to matter. The results indicate greater European‐level legislative responsiveness towards national sovereignty demands than previously recognised. They underline that the nature of European politics has been changing with the EU's push into core state powers.     

A history of sex and the state in Southeast Asia: class,intimacy and invisibility

This essay offers a history of international marriages that questions the definition of marriage and what it meant to belong, as a legal subject or citizen, to a colonial state in Southeast Asia. European imperial states deployed monogamous marriage alongside other weapons of empire as a justification for intervention into Southeast Asian societies. With monogamous marriage came also European notions of belonging that traced surnames and legal subject status (later citizenship) via husbands and fathers. The ramifications for individuals in international marriages between Asian women and European men are well known. However, the vast majority of ‘international marriages’ were not those between colonial Europeans and Southeast Asian women, but between Southeast Asian women and lower class Asian men from India and China. Colonial states ignored or failed to register these lower class intra-Asian intimacies because their unions did not threaten colonial rule so long as they ensured a continuous pool of labor and promoted the colonial economy. Unlike recent theories which argue for an omniscient state that penetrates into the personal lives of its populations, this essay maintains that states intensely regulated marriage and belonging for some subjects but not for others. This longstanding unevenness in the management of intimate unions provides a historical context for understanding shifts in the marital regimes of contemporary postcolonial states. Taking a long-term view, the essay asks if recent increases in international marriages might be better understood as spikes rather than as absolute increases resulting from ‘globalization’. A historical framework ties the rise and fall of international marriage to early modern trade patterns, imperialism's labor requirements, war, and the recent demand for labor that has arisen from low birth rates and economic changes. Each of these ‘events’ entailed a large-scale movement of populations which resulted in the development of intimate unions.     

百年变局下的国际格局调整与中国引领新型周边关系

全球抗疫防疫堪称百年未有之大变局中具有历史影响的疫情政治经济学创举,为迈入后疫情时代的全球经济和国际政治新历程作出新的诠释和导引。启迪人们思考后疫情时代,我们将面对一个什么样的世界经济格局、什么样的全球治理体系、什么样的大国关系,乃至最终归结于什么样的中国未来。疫情引发的全球公共卫生危机和世界经济萧条与危机,导致国际政治经济格局出现重大调整,并为中国引领新型周边国家关系带来新的发展机遇。中国在实践中凝练的抗疫成果为中国与周边国家开展经济合作夯实了基础和提供了契机;“一带一路”建设成为中国周边地区的融合区和重启的首要之地;中美大国关系对中国周边地区的和平稳定起到决定性作用,只有大国关系稳定,周边国家的关系才可防可控可稳。严峻的全球疫情使人类愈发强烈感受并意识到,人类命运共同体已不是缥缈的理念和抽象的概念,每个国家的利益和命运已经与世界相互嵌入、环环相扣。东亚国家在疫情挑战面前选择了团结合作与同舟共济,RCEP的签署必将为促进东亚发展繁荣增添新动能,必将增强区域共同体意识。     

Capitalism,nature, socialism a theoretical introduction∗

This article expounds the traditional Marxist theory of the contradiction between forces and relations of production, over‐production of capital and economic crisis, and the process of crisis‐induced restructuring of productive forces and production relations into more transparently social, hence potentially socialist, forms. This exposition provides a point of departure for an “ecological Marxist”; theory of the contradiction between capitalist production relations and forces and the conditions of production, under‐production of capital and economic crisis, and the process of crisis‐induced restructuring of production conditions and the social relations thereof also into more transparently social, hence potentially socialist, forms. In short, there may be not one but two paths to socialism in late capitalist society.

While the two processes of capital over‐production and underproduction are by no means mutually exclusive, they may offset or compensate for one another in ways which create the appearance of relatively stable processes of capitalist development. Study of the combination of the two processes in the contemporary world may throw light on the decline of traditional labor and socialist movements and the rise of “new social movements”; as agencies of social transformation. In similar ways that traditional Marxism illuminates the practises of traditional labor movements, it may be that “ecological Marxism”; throws light on the practices of new social movements. Although ecology and nature; the politics of the body, feminism, and the family; and urban movements and related topics are usually discussed in post‐Marxist terms, the rhetoric deployed in this article is self‐consciously Marxist and designed to appeal to Marxist theorists and fellow travelers whose work remains within a “scientific”; discourse hence those who are least likely to be convinced by post‐Marxist discussions of the problem of capital's use and abuse of nature (including human nature) in the modern world. However, the emphasis in this article on a political economic “scientific”; discourse is tactical, not strategic. In reality, more or less autonomous social relationships, often non‐capitalist or anti‐capitalist, constitute “civil society,”; which needs to be addressed on its own practical and theoretical terms. In other words, social and collective action is not meant to be construed merely as derivative of systemic forces, as the last section of the article hopefully will make clear.     

全面准确地理解马克思早年的“跨越”思想

马克思早年的“跨越”思想和晚年的“跨越”思想一样,指的都是“跨越”资本主义的经济制度,而不是指“跨越”政治革命和政治解放,直接实现社会革命和人类解放。马克思早年“跨越”思想的理论基础是“共同胜利论”和“发达国家带动论”。19世纪40年代,德国的社会性质是半封建半资本主义社会,德国的资本主义制度已经存在并正在发展。马克思、恩格斯把此时代的德国看作是“支配着世界市场”,并能首先进行无产阶级革命,建立共产主义社会的国家,因此认为德国能把前资本主义国家或非资本主义国家带到共产主义新社会中去,因而也不存在跨越“资本主义制度的卡夫丁峡谷”问题。     

The Political Economy of Gender: Explaining Cross-National Variation in the Gender Division of Labor and the Gender Voting Gap

Mainstream political economy has tended to treat the family as a unit when examining the distributional consequences of labor market institutions and of public policy. In a world with high divorce rates, we argue that this simplification is more likely to obscure than to instruct. We find that labor market opportunities for women, which vary systematically with the position of countries in the international division of labor and with the structure of the welfare state, affect women's bargaining power within the family and as a result, can explain much of the cross country variation in the gender division of labor as well as the gender gap in political preferences.     

The Process of Globalisation and Class Transformation in the West

In this article the contemporary international capitalist system is examined and a rising New International Division of Labour is defined. It is argued that while in previous epochs an international market of commodities existed, during the post-war period a global network of closely interconnected production units and financial institutions has been created as well. But while production, finance and commerce are decentralised worldwide, their management and control is centralised in a few headquarters in the advanced capitalist countries. A colossal concentration of economic power and control over the world means of production, resources and labour force, unprecedented in the history of capitalism, is taking place. Information Technology is shown to be the current day means of centralisation of organisation and control of both material and service production by capital. It, at the same time, allocates work and degrades its knowledge content. Coupled with the prevalence of services in western society, it changes the features of its class structure.     

马克思“唯灵论”批判思想研究

在马克思的理论视野中，资产阶级在政治与经济领域所持有的观念形态继承了宗教（基督教）以抽象的精神观念能动地把握世界的方式，从而都具有了唯灵论特征。因而，马克思把对宗教唯灵论的批判看作是政治与经济领域批判的前提。在政治领域中，资产阶级思想家把私有财产制度抽象人格化，从简单的经济关系出发来论证自由和平等，从而使建立在这种抽象人格基础上的自由和平等等政治国家的政治理念日益抽象化，并支配着社会成员的头脑且企图实现所谓的普遍利益而具有唯灵论特征；在经济领域中，资本拜物教是商品拜物教、货币拜物教的最高峰，资本这一抽象的“死劳动”借助于雇佣劳动这一“活劳动”得以不断增殖从而具有了支配人的灵性。马克思对这三种唯灵论批判的意图在于提醒人们要搞清楚资本主义制度所包含的矛盾以及资本主义社会的现实形态和观念形态之间的差别，不被抽象观念所支配，从而唤醒工人阶级的彻底的革命意识。