日本以法治林

森林资源减少,导致生态环境严重恶化,给人类的生产和生活带来许多严重后果。这是当今世界普遍存在而令人十分担忧的问题。然而,近一个世纪以来,日本的森林却受到保护并有了发展。 日本目前森林面积达二千五百万公顷,占全国面积的百分之六十六,是世界上森林覆盖率较高的少数国家之一。     

日本“入亚”的跳板:直接投资

战后日本一直把美欧作为对外经济关系的重点,采取“脱亚入美”、“脱亚入欧”战略,通过发展同美欧发达国家的紧密的经济联系,充分利用了美欧的广阔市场和先进技术,享受了所谓“后进国利益”。然而,随着日本经济的发展,追赶美欧目标的基本实现,日本与美欧关系中的竞争因素日益上升,而冷战结束又使抑制这种竞争的政治因素(共同对付苏联的战略需要)大为减弱,从而导致早已出现的西方国家间的经济矛盾、特别是日美贸易摩擦进一步激化,与此同时,以欧洲统一市场和北美自由贸易区为代表的区域经济集团化趋势日益发展;亚洲一些主要国家改革开放成效卓著,经济出现了迅速增长的局面;冷战结束又使日本发展同亚洲社会主义国家关系的制约进     

高效率是社会主义公有制的应有优势

无产阶级夺取政权以后,应该利用自己的政治统治夺取剥削阶级的一切生产工具,使其归社会所有,并尽可能快地扩大生产力的总量,这是马克思主义的一条基本原理.世界上各个社会主义国家都是按照这一原理建立社会主义的生产关系的.战后一些年来,随着科学技术的进步,西方主要资本主义国家的经济得到了较为迅速的发展,而一些社会主义国家却由于种种原因遇到了经济困难.在这种情况下,有些人对公有制产生了怀疑:公有制有没有优越性?公有制和私有制哪个效率高?社会主义能不能最终超过资本主义?怎样提高公有制的效率?本文想在这些方面作些探讨.     

创造分享增长的机会——后发国家政府改善收入分配的对策分析

经济增长不会自动改善收入分配,改善收入分配是后发国家政府的重要职责。本文结合战后众多后发国家的实践,具体分析了后发国家政府在推动经济增长的同时改善收入分配的核心对策。     

台湾经济发展的启示

战后，台湾经济取得了引人瞩目的发展，研究台湾经济起飞的过程，分析其采取的政策措施，给我们以有益的启迪。（一）指挥但不全面控制──政府的作用第二次世界大战后，台湾继日本和西德，经济获得了迅速的发展。从50年代初到1992年，台湾人均国民生产总值从150美元左右增加到10，000美元。外汇储备在1991年底达到824亿美元，居世界首位。与日本西德相比，台湾没有雄厚的工业基础，面积小，人口少，资源短缺，市场狭窄，又有较大的军费负担。在这些相对不利的情况下，却实现了经济的起飞。台湾经济的起飞得力于政府、产业界和劳工三方面的…     

试析二战后日本经济迅速崛起的原因

战后日本经济迅速崛起的原因有四:一是民族精神是经济迅速崛起的根本原因;二是教育发展是经济腾飞的动力;三是民主改革和美国的扶植为经济发展提供了良好的社会环境;四是朝鲜战争为日本经济的崛起奠定了基础.     

赴美国林业考察随笔

应美国农业部亚洲司林务局、旧金山市政厅、加利福尼亚州帝王谷学院和俄勒冈州林业厅的邀请,我参加了由中国林学会组织的“森林可持续经营及荒漠化防治考察团”,于2001年1月28日至2月13日对美国的林业进行了为期18天的考察。一美国作为世界上经济与科学技术领先的超级大国,其林业的经营发展有许多好的经验与做法值得我们学习和借鉴。 (一)重视林业发展,实施分类经营美国像世界上许多国家一样,其林业发展也走过一条掠夺式开发利用到节制采伐,进而保护和扩大森林资源,最终走上可持续经营的道路。美国建国之前,北美大陆的森林覆盖率为46％,到1992年时美国的森林覆盖率已降至33％,这个数字一直保持到今天。造成森林减少的原因主要是开荒种     

印度保护森林有成效

新德里专电在发展中国家,印度一直是森林保护做得比较好的国家。最近公布的印度森林调查报告说,印度现有森林覆盖面积为6392万公顷,每年递增2.8万公顷。目前印度的森林覆盖率达23%,在印度8.7亿人口中,约4亿人口的生计同森林资源密切相关。进入印度东北地区,莽莽林海,绿涛磅礴,尚未遭到现代文明破坏的千年植被,构成一个个天然绿色王国,成为各行各业木材需求的丰富的供应源。     

对过去认真,方能对未来负责

战后一甲子,日本觉得自己有理由挺进"正常国家"之列,成为联合国安理会常任理事国,其理由有三:一是日本是美国之外给联合国提供会费最多的国家,年提交额度差不多占到联合国全部经费的20％;二是其曾经和正在为很多发展中国家提供日元贷款,帮助后发国家发展:三是派兵伊拉克帮助"维和"。根据权利与义务对等原则,日本觉得自己应该在国际事务中发挥更大的作用,理应成为常任理事国。上述理由,在其日元外交及美国的提携下,居然得到了包括     

日本对外政府援助与政治收益

对外援助不论其形式怎样，都具有政治性，主要目的是要维护和促进国家的利益。以政府开发援助为载体的日本战后经济外交，其产生与发展正是基于政治收益的考虑而展现出不同的表现形式来。     

REINDUSTRIALIZATION OF AMERICA

If the United States is to sustain a fairly high level of economic growth, seven functional needs must be met: transportation, communication, power, innovation, human resources, financialbegal institutions, and capital goods. Attention to these elements amounted for the successful development of the infrastructure and the capital goods sector during America's first industrialization, roughly from the 1820s to the 1920s, providing the foundation for a strong economy able to mass-produce consumer goods and services. In the decades following World War II, however, roughly from 1950 to the late 1970s, insufficient resources were dedicated to maintaining and adapting these seven elements, and in varying degrees all but one deteriorated. The result was economic underdevelopment. For the United States to regain i t s economic vitality, steps must now be taken to serve these basic needs of economic development more effectively.     

日本行政指导及其对我国的启示

二战后,行政指导在日本的经济社会发展中产生、盛行并彰显了其重要作用.在我国市场经济的不断成熟与完善的过程中,有必要借鉴、吸收日本行政指导的做法,为我国治理模式民主化和效能化服务.本文主要分析了行政指导在日本盛行的基本原因与基本经验,并简要论述了日本行政指导对我国的启示.     

Government intervention in the economy: a comparative analysis of Singapore and Hong Kong

Singapore and Hong Kong are very different and yet very similar in many respects. A study of their current profiles and historical development indicates that the two have achieved comparable economic successes through different development strategies. After World War II, Singapore gained political independence while Hong Kong achieved economic restructuring. The Singapore government adopted an interventionist approach to develop its economy, while the Hong Kong government followed the laissez‐faire principle. However, as the two were maturing socially and economically in the last few decades, both governments found the necessity to adopt a hybrid strategy of mixing economic interventions with the free‐market approach. An examination of public finance and economic policies since the onset of the Asian economic turmoil shows that the two have become increasingly similar in their economic approaches, with heavy emphasis on stabilizing the economy and stimulating business activities through government initiatives. Based on their projected economic, social and political development, the Hong Kong government is expected to become more interventionist while its Singapore counterpart is expected to go in the opposite direction. The economic development strategies of the two governments, coming from two extremes, will become more alike in the foreseeable future, for reasons of political feasibility in the former. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

General Douglas MacArthur: Supreme Public Administrator of Post–World War II Japan

This article examines General Douglas MacArthur’s six years as Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in post–World War II Japan. MacArthur was appointed by President Harry S. Truman in 1945 to preside over and administer the reconstruction of postwar Japan. No American serving in the role of a public administrator has ever had a more difficult task than the one MacArthur took on in Japan. At the end of World War II, Japan was devastated, and the entire population faced starvation. MacArthur’s administrative style and his successes and failures in Japan are examined in this Administrative Profile. Fifty years after his death, the influence of MacArthur’s policies during his tenure as Supreme Commander are still felt in Japan.     

Japan’s strategic contrast: continuing influence despite relative power decline in Southeast Asia

Abstract

Since 2008 the Japanese government has become more responsive to the exercise of Chinese economic, diplomatic and military power in Southeast Asia, suggesting an intensifying rivalry. The Japanese government has thrown off any reticence about self-promotion by more forcefully positioning Japan as a sensitive and sustainable strategic partner for Southeast Asian nations in a strategic contrast with the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Rather than trying to contain China, Tokyo is seeking to mediate how China turns its material resources into influence. Despite an increasing asymmetry in material resources between China and Japan, this article argues that Japan maintains a surprising ability to influence the preferences of Southeast Asian nations and responses to exercises of PRC power, which in turn has allowed Japan to influence China’s regional strategy.     

Legislative influences in Japanese budgetary politics

Following World War II (W.W.II), Japan adopted a democratic parliamentary system. Since its formation in 1955 the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) had monopolized Japanese legislature (Diet) for over 35 years. However, it is said that at the center of the budgetary process was the Ministry of Finance (MOF). Elite bureaucrats rather than politicians are typically seen as the agenda-setter. The action of politicians, in particular members of the LDP, to influence the budgetary resource allocation has been largely unexamined. This paper empirically examines the influence of the LDP on the supplementary budget formation and on the revenue-sharing. We find that the LDP had a significant impact on the budget formation. Further, we find that the LDP manipulated transfers from the central government to local governments presumably to maintain its electoral positions.     

From Pax Americana to Pax Mosaica? Bargaining over a New Economic Order

While the economic rise of new powers, frequently identified as the ‘BRICs’ (Brazil, Russia, India, and China), has been dramatic, the implications of this emerging multipolarity for global economic governance are not clear. In this paper, we address the question: can the diffusion of power among a greater diversity of countries result in the creation of a new global economic order—a Pax Mosaica—to succeed the Pax Americana of the previous century? Our argument proceeds in four steps. First, we provide a brief overview of the achievements and limitations of the system that was established at the end of World War II, and lasted for over half a century in the form of Pax Americana. In the second section, we investigate the emergence of multipolarity, and highlight the opportunities and costs that this generates. In the third section, we explore the routes whereby the changing balance of power might be harnessed towards the creation of a Pax Mosaica. We do so by posing four sets of questions, which must be answered if the mosaic distribution of power is to lead to greater economic stability, growth, and peace. The fourth section concludes the paper with ideas for reform with reference to the World Trade Organization, the Bretton Woods institutions, and the G20.     

Testing Rival Decision–Making Theories on Budget Outputs: Theories and Comparative Evidence

This study demonstrates the link between the degree of economic rationality and budgetary decision–making outputs for Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Three empirical models are derived with low, intermediate, and high degrees of economic rationality, namely, "garbage can," incrementalism, and rational choice budgeting, respectively. The methods used are time series analyses on real disaggregated national government budget outputs for the post–World War II period for Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom. There was some support found for budgetary incrementalism, and the most consistent support for rational choice budgeting. There was no support for garbage can budgeting.     

Buttery Guns and Welfare Hawks: The Politics of Defense Spending in Advanced Industrial Democracies

In this article, we present a new theory that, given the economic consequences of military spending, some governments may use military spending as a means of advancing their domestic non‐military objectives. Based on evidence that governments can use military spending as welfare policy in disguise, we argue that the role of ideology in shaping military spending is more complicated than simple left‐right politics. We also present a theory that strategic elites take advantage of opportunities presented by international events, leading us to expect governments that favor more hawkish foreign policy policies to use low‐level international conflicts as opportunities for increasing military spending. Using pooled time‐series data from 19 advanced democracies in the post–World War II period, we find that government ideology, measured as welfare and international positions, interacts with the international security environment to affect defense spending.     

Government and Science: A Troubled, Critical Relationship and What Can Be Done about It

The U.S. government–science relationship, which helped win World War II, put a man on the moon, unravel the human genome, and nurture economic growth, is troubled. Money is one reason. However, far more than funding, the tensions between government and science are about politics and policy management. Many scientists and their allies argue that the Bush administration has crossed the line separating appropriate control of information from political interference. That is, there has been a "politicization of science." This essay examines the current debate about politicization in historical context; discusses the tensions among scientists, politicians, and administrators; and suggests possible ways to strengthen the government–science partnership in the future.