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In September 1999 the Independent Commission on Policing in Northern Ireland, chaired by Chris Patten, published its recommendations. This article examines the political context of policing reform, the contents of the report and the rejection of its core ideas in the Police (Northern Ireland) Bill published in May 2000. The central argument of the paper is that the Commission's radical model of policing – a network of regulating mechanisms in which policing becomes everyone's business – failed, because it gave insufficient attention, like much modern writing on policing, to the role of the state and the vested interests within policing. The overall outcome is that the Patten Commission has been effectively policed and Northern Ireland will be left with a traditional, largely undemocratic and unaccountable model of policing with most of the control resting with the Secretary of State and the Chief Constable.  相似文献   

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论我国移民、非法移民概念的界定   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
罗刚 《政法论丛》2012,(3):69-75
我国现行法律、法规中没有关于移民、非法移民的相关规定,学界的相关研究也大多是研究中国作为移民输出国的移民问题,涉及中国作为移民输入国的移民问题,特别是其中非法移民问题的成果少见。研究我国外来非法移民的相关问题,必须从法律上界定“非法移民”的概念,这就必须首先界定”移民”的概念;同时,还必须进一步理解“非法移民”与“三非人员”、“难民”等相关概念的关系。  相似文献   

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This paper argues that the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 is a composite of contradictory measures. On one hand, employer sanctions are meant to curtail the employment of undocumented workers and preserve the U.S. labor market for legal residents and citizens; on the other hand, special foreign worker programs are designed to enhance the supply of immigrant workers. In an effort to make sense of these contradictions, the author places the legislation in historical context and proposes a dialectical model of immigration policymaking.  相似文献   

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In the aftermath of 9/11 several European countries intensified their counter-terrorism policy. This article refers to the Spanish response to the terrorist attacks in the USA and Madrid, with special attention paid to the consequences that (illegal) immigrants faced in relation to their rights. This collective is often depicted in public opinion as “folk devils” in the terminology of the Moral-Panics Theory. Using the latter as a model, this paper establishes that the connection between counter-terrorism policy and more restrictive legislation for foreigners is a construction, which is either insufficient or not satisfactorily explained by the social actors who propose it. The result is a policy that limits the immigrants’ liberty without necessarily making the rest safer.  相似文献   

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Policing Prostitution: Ten Years On   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
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This article seeks to contribute to the existing debate(s) over the governance of cyberspace by focusing not upon legal frameworks, which have been already been the subject of much good work, but upon the enforcement of law. What is missing from much of the recent debate has been a substantive discussion of some of the practical problems of policing the Internet, such as by whom and how it should be (is being) policed. Such considerations are becoming increasingly important as the inhabitants of cyberspace multiply in number. It is argued that much of the debate over the policing of the Internet has tended to be driven by moral panics. As these panics subside it is becoming clear that there is clearly a confusion in the literature between the potential and actual harms that can be inflicted by cybercrimes. Consequently, we must be wary of reports which exaggerate the extent to which cybercrimes have proliferated, especially when those reports appear to originate from bodies who are currently engaged in the growing cybercrime industry. Furthermore, the legal problems appear to be less considerable as previously thought, especially with regard to the conflict of laws. This is not to say that there is not a problem, for there clearly is, but the article suggests that some of the undesirable behaviours will work themselves out, some will be eradicated by technology, whilst the remainder will continue to challenge our traditional understandings of crimes and deviant behaviours and the way that we police them. The first part of this article will look briefly at the growth of cybercrime: at what it is, who are the offenders and who are their victims. The second part will look at current models of policing the Internet and the third part will explore the appropriateness of the terrestrial policing model to the treatment of cybercrimes.  相似文献   

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Objectives

A fairly robust body of evidence suggests that hotspots policing is an effective crime prevention strategy. In this paper, we present contradictory evidence of a backfiring effect.

Methods

In a randomized controlled trial, aimed at reducing crime and disorder, London’s ‘hottest’ 102 bus-stops were targeted. Double patrol teams of Metropolitan Police Service uniformed officers visited the stops three times per shift (12:00–20:00), 5-times per week, for a duration of 15 min, over a 6 month period. Crucially, officers arrived and departed the bus stop on a bus, with significantly less time spent outside the bus stop setting. Outcomes were measured in terms of victim-generated crimes reported to the police and bus driver incident reports (DIRs), within targeted and catchment areas. We used adjusted Poisson-regression models to compare differences in pre- and post-treatment measures of outcomes and estimated-marginal-means to illustrate the treatment effect.

Results

DIRs went down significantly by 37 % (p = 0.07) in the near vicinity of the bus stops (50 m), by 40 % in the 100 m catchment area (p = 0.04) and marginally and non-significantly in the farthest catchment (10 %; p = 0.66), compared to control conditions. However, victim-generated crimes—the primary outcome measured in previous experiments—increased by 25 % (p = 0.10) in the near vicinity, by 23 % (p = 0.08) and 11 % (p ≤ 0.001) within the 100–150 m catchment areas, respectively.

Conclusions

These findings illustrate the role of bounded-rationality in everyday policing: reductions in crime are predicated on an elevated perceived risk-of-apprehension. Previous studies focused on clusters of addresses or public facilities, with police moving freely and unpredictably within the boundaries of the hotspot, but the patrol areas of officers in this experiment were limited to bus stops so offenders could anticipate their movements. Hotspots policing therefore backfires when offenders can systematically and accurately predict the temporal and spatial pattern of long-term targeting at a single location.
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王智军 《河北法学》2004,22(12):103-108
治理理论对国家与市民社会关系的认识思路是国家和市民社会相互"型塑"达致社会公共事务管理的"善治"。在国内外警务战略模式变革中成为潮流的"国家警事社会化"战略,是指在警察机关专业警务活动的同时,动员社会组织和社区公众共同参与防控违法犯罪、维护社会治安秩序活动的过程。显然,"国家警事社会化"寻求警察与社会组织及社区公众的互动合作基础上公共安全管理的改善。因为警察与国家的对应、社会组织及公众正是市民社会的具象,所以可以用治理理论作为分析"国家警事社会化"的框架,并将其定义为"警事治理"。  相似文献   

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民事、行政交叉案件是一种比较常见的案件类型,我国的法律对于此类案件的处理缺乏明确的、具有操作性的规定,这给司法实践造成了一定的困难。我们认为,民事、行政案件交叉的原因有多种,在现实中也表现为不同的类别,因此,案件的审理亦应当根据各类案件的特殊情况分别采取附带诉讼、分案审理及并案审理等不同的诉讼程序模式。  相似文献   

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This article examines a key explanation for the growth of private policing in North America and Western Europe - the influential mass private property thesis (Shearing and Stenning 1981). The discussion of private policing in Western Europe still tends to be heavily influenced by theories developed in the North American context, theories which may be problematic in the contrasting legal, social and economic contexts of Western European nations. The development of more Eurocentric theories has to date been inhibited by the relative paucity of empirical data on the rise of private policing in European countries. Recent research in Britain (Jones and Newburn 1998b) has begun to address this problem, and to map out some important contrasts with the North American experience. By considering these contrasts, it is possible to identify some key areas for future research on private policing in European countries and thus provide a more contextually-grounded series of explanations for what is happening to policing.Joseph Rowntree Foundation Professor of Urban Social Policy  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Image-based sexual abuse (IBSA) refers to the non-consensual recording, distribution, or threat of distribution, of nude or sexual images. Over the past five years, numerous jurisdictions have amended their criminal laws to respond more effectively to this growing phenomenon, yet increased criminalization has not automatically translated into increased prosecutions. Drawing on stakeholder interviews with 52 Australian legal and policy experts, domestic and sexual violence advocates, industry representatives, police, and academics, this article examines law enforcement responses to IBSA in Australia. We argue that although there is evidence to suggest IBSA is being treated more seriously by police, there are five primary barriers to responding to IBSA, including: inconsistent laws; a lack of resources; evidentiary limitations; jurisdictional boundaries; and victim-blaming or harm minimization attitudes. Suggestions are made for how to respond to these challenges to facilitate more effective policing of IBSA.  相似文献   

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面对犯罪的浪潮公安机关必须向科学的管理要警力,向身边的群众要警力,向高科技手段要警力。警务制度改革是应对犯罪挑战的必由之路,社区警务的最终目的是减少犯罪,实现这一目的的前提是警察与民众的紧密合作。我为人民管治安是警务制度改革的中国化实践,好秩序只能来源于公权力与私权利的合作。预防和控制犯罪的力量之源在民众之中,集中民智才能用“无穷民力”提升“有限警力”。我国公安机关已经在治安信息发布、预防犯罪提示、“110信箱”开通、警察博客的初创等方面作出了探索,未来还要进一步运用先进理念和科技手段实现犯罪预防的精细化。  相似文献   

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