生态休闲的哲学基础及其意义建构

随着普遍化休闲时代的来临和生态文明意识的日益凸显,生态休闲逐渐成为人们休闲方式的理想追求与现实选择。作为休闲方式生态化的范式转型,生态休闲是一种立足休闲的生态本性以及生态话语的实践转向,以人与自然和谐共生为基本理念,用生态学的观点和方法规范人们的休闲行为从而实现人们美好生活需要的休闲观。它具有深厚的生态存在论、生态认识论和生态价值论哲学基础,超越了一般意义上的休闲类型及其价值要求,由此彰显生态集体主义的伦理原则、担当绿色生活方式的道德责任和实现生态自由的价值诉求。     

戴维·哈维生态政治学建构的理论动力

文章集中论述哈维生态政治学建构动力的阐释性。首先论述哈维生态政治学建构的社会背景;其次,论述哈维对"生态现代化"研究性的批判,"生态现代化"使不同利益集团有着对话的基础,然而也可能会使这种对话归属于某个政治集团,且也没有挑战资本主义制度,对环境问题不能以彻底的改变;最后,论述哈维生态政治学建构的深层动因,反资本主义运动是对社会正义的追求。     

“打造具有中国特色、中国风格、中国气派的政治学理论话语体系”学术研讨会综述

2012年8月27日至28日,由中国社会科学院《政治学研究》编辑部和东北大学文法学院共同主办的"打造具有中国特色、中国风格、中国气派的政治学理论话语体系"学术研讨会在东北大学举行。来自全国28所高校和研究机构的48位学者参加了此次会议。与会学者围绕"中国特色、中国风格、中国气派的政治学理论话语体系构建"这一主题,从中国政治学理论话语体系构建的现实性需求、中国政治学理论话语体系构建的路径和方法、中国政治实践和政治经验等方面展开了热烈的学术研讨。     

西方化反思与本土化创新:中国政治学发展的当代内涵

当代中国政治学的发展起步于"追踪-回应"西方理论前沿的学习模式,但时代的变迁及西方主流理论固有缺陷的日益显现,也需要中国政治学系统确立起学术自主、文化自觉和致用自觉。为了解决中国理论的建构度与话语权同中国实践的治理绩效与理论需求不尽匹配的矛盾,系统反思一段时期以来中国政治学在议题设定、概念与研究范式运用、思维方式与价值导向等方面的"西方化"倾向,进而追溯西方主流理论"逻辑在先"的思维定式、"历史终结"的政治正确教条、学术繁荣与致用导向彼此疏离的深层问题,就显得尤为必要。在将政治发展普遍规律从其单一西方形式中解放出来的认识论前提下,激活中国政治学的创新之源,唤回中国政治学的致用之魂,将助推中国政治学发展进入一个全新的本土化境界,为实现其学术繁荣、话语自立与服务实践功能的有机统一奠定基础。     

生态学马克思主义对生态文明的三点启示

正生态学马克思主义是一种有别于西方生态中心论和人类中心论的生态文明理论,如果说西方生态中心论和人类中心论在理论上的重点主要在于关注人类生态价值观上的变革的话,生态学马克思主义理论的重点则在于坚持从历史观和自然观的辩证统一出发,把生产方式的变革和人类生态价值观的重建看做生态文明建设不可分割的两个方面,把实现环境正义作为生态文明建设     

新时代中国特色政治学话语体系建构的要义与理路

建构符合中国政治学学科特色与政治实践发展需求的学术话语空间与方法论体系,已成为新时代中国政治学界的共识与责任。其当下面临的问题是在科学实证化的建构取向下,如何在科学理性知识呈现的普遍性与中国政治不可同化的发展脉络之间,维系一种"呈现"与"揭示"的差异共生关系,且在此共生关系的话语空间建构中不断产生既对知识呈现而言的新材料,又对诠释本土政治机理而言的新方法。因此,我们构建中国特色政治学话语体系在与科学化建构相向而行的同时,要避免政治学术话语表述工具化,进而扎根于本土政治实践,发掘隐藏在历史文化脉络中的"原材料"。本文将话语建构回归语言、知识和话语间的内在博弈逻辑,并从语言交错、翻译延异、知识形态差异和演化,以及范式论对真理表述的局限性四个交织递进的层面,展现新时代中国特色政治学话语建构及其创新的实现路径。     

思想政治教育生态价值的实现旨趣——培养“生态人”

思想政治教育生态价值研究是近年来的学术生长点.马克思、恩格斯的自然观表达了人与自然相互依存的有机整体观念、发展的辩证思维,蕴涵了社会生态学的分析.这与生态学精神有相通性,为思想政治教育生态价值研究提供理论依据.实现思想政治教育生态价值要以培养“生态人”为目标旨趣,既树立正确看待人与自然、人与自身、人与社会的生态价值观,还有处理现实问题时坚持整体的、多元的、开放发展的生态思维方式.“生态人”既有生态情感又有关注现实的问题意识.     

资本主义批判与社会正义——生态马克思主义与有机马克思主义的政治旨趣

生态马克思主义和有机马克思主义在制度批判、现代价值观批判以及政治批判上,有着相同的政治哲学立场,这种旨趣使得两种生态政治理论具有一种先在的同源共约性.然而,从产生的自然伦理价值、地理空间和工业化发展程度上看,两者也都带有一定的后现代主义色彩.对我们的启示在于生态社会正义不能仅限定在资本主义革命的政治解放意义上,更重要的应该是文化价值观念的转型与人类命运共同体的建构.     

马克思主义生态美学建立的必要性和理论意义

马克思主义生态美学的建立是当代文明转型的需要和中国生态文明建设的内在理论要求,同时也是对当代西方学术界"环境转型"理论的中国式学术回应,更是重建人与自然和谐审美关系的一种努力.马克思主义生态美学的建立适应了新时代发展的理论之需,这就是要协同其他学科共同探讨和解决当代人类面临的诸多复杂问题,重在以美学理论话语来回答和解决当代自然生态危机及人类面临的精神生态难题.有鉴于此,马克思主义生态美学的建立无疑具有重大的学术理论价值和时代意义.     

关于生态伦理学中国化的思考

生态伦理学缘起于西方,必须尽快完成中国化的过程:一是要摆脱西方话语的控制,建设有中国特色的话语体系;二是要确立中国生态伦理的研究重心,从"何以可能"走向"何以建设";三是确立中国生态伦理的价值定位,坚持以人为本。     

How to Build a ‘Beautiful China’ in the Anthropocene. The Political Discourse and the Intellectual Debate on Ecological Civilization

The aim of this article is to contribute to the debate on global prosperity in the post-GDP world, with specific attention given to the political discourse and intellectual debate on ecological civilization in China. I will first assess the national and international implications of assuming that China as a whole is a ‘locality’. I will then focus specifically on one of the most significant political and intellectual debates in Chinese studies today, namely the social and environmental challenges linked to China’s political and socio-economic development. In this light, I will engage with the debate on the Anthropocene - the era during which humans have become an earth-altering force – and its interrelationship with the discourse on ecological civilization. In China, the term ‘ecological civilization’ appeared in the 1980s in the academic domain and was then appropriated by political discourse. This article proves that the concept of eco-civilization, in a similar way to the Anthropocene, has a significant discursive power: it allows for a shift from the binary political economy discourses of ‘growth’ versus ‘development’, and ‘socialism’ versus ‘capitalism’, to the inquiry of eco-socially sustainable prosperity. The final aim of this article is both to offer a more nuanced analysis of the relationship between the political discourse and academic debate, and to substantiate the rhetoric trope of ‘Advancing Ecological Civilization and Building a Beautiful China’.     

Democratic Theory and the Public Sphere Project: Rethinking Knowledge,Authority, and Identity

This paper is concerned with the problem of academic acquiescence in the decline of public discourse in the United States. Noting current tendencies for the university to operate as another transnational corporation, the argument targets and probes post-communal professionalism which as a sub-ideology is linked to the dualistic social imaginary of the corporate state. Discussing works by Rieff and Lasch, the critique situates this ideology in the liberal-progressivist middle-class culture that is much more bound to the transnational corporate state's consumer culture than many academics wish to acknowledge. A theoretical critique of the subjectivization of postmodern "resistance" is presented as one way of facilitating democratic Left intellectual interest in pursuing a true "border politics" between academic and general cultures. Disembodied, placeless visions of professionalism must be replaced with perspectives and projects foregrounding agency rather than "identity" and political action rather than "self-fulfillment." Scholars critical of the university's role in corporate globalization should take a lesson from John Dewey's "civic professionalism" and envision a post-professional politics projecting democratic public spheres that connect with recent political forms of grassroots globalization aiming at more sustainable ways of life.     

The politics-violence frontier

ABSTRACT

This article analyses how early twenty-first century political activists in Italy construct the frontier between politics and violence. It puts these constructions into the context of more conventionally theoretical accounts of violence and politics. Analysis of internet discourse published by left/anarchist bloggers and group members focusses on how activists criticize the conventional view that electoral politics is non-violent, and endorse the view that violence is politics’ main means. This means that the role of violence in oppositional politics then has to be negotiated. Discourse analysis shows how ideas of resistance, and anti-state force, are articulated in such a way as to draw distinctions between us and them, and their politics and ours. The article discusses the significance of these articulations of the politics-violence distinction for the construction of political agency, and for the justification of forms of political action, seeking to show that boundary work is fundamental to political agency.     

Rancière,religion and the political

In the past few decades, the ‘return of the religious’ has been a recurrent theme in popular and academic discourse. From debates regarding the permissibility of religious dress and symbols in the public sphere, to questions of the integration of Muslim immigrants, concerns about the rise of the Christian Right in American politics and the role of Islam in the uprisings of the Arab Spring, a great deal of attention has been accorded to the presence of religion and religious subjects in the public sphere. Such has been the importance attached to accounting for, categorizing and contending with this phenomenon that it has attracted the attention of many of the major figures in contemporary social and political thought. However, the ideas of Jacques Rancière, one of the foremost figures in contemporary political philosophy, are noticeably absent in these discussions. In this article, I take up the task of investigating how Rancière's political philosophy can be brought to bear on debates surrounding the relationship between citizenship, religion and the political. I argue that his reconceptualization of politics, democracy and political subjectivity makes apparent the limitations, and even futility of current debates between advocates of secular universalism and those of religious pluralism, and, through assisting in the critical analysis of the public presence of religion, provide an opening for the potential emergence of alternative forms of community and political subjectivity.     

制衡资本权力——转型中国确保制度正义的关键

正义是政治的首要原则,社会基本结构的正义性是人类政治文明的核心表征。人类政治文明的发展历程充分表明,缺乏制衡的国家权力和资本权力往往成为现代社会中根本的压迫性力量。在中国政治发展的特定情势下,制衡资本权力逐渐成为转型中国政治发展的关键命题,是转型中国确保制度正义的关键。当然,有效规训资本权力的过程不单纯是一个企业主动承担社会责任的过程,更是一个涉及各个利益相关者之间平等博弈、公共协商和理性妥协的政治过程。在集中讨论转型中国制衡资本权力的现实必要性和基本途径的基础上,提出:在转型中国,制衡资本权力与构建正义的社会制度体系之间存在着密切联系,而国家自主、社会自治与价值均衡则共同成为有效制衡资本权力的前提条件。     

European Professors as Public Intellectuals

Historically, European economists, compared to their American counterpart, were more involved in public discussions of policy. In this paper it is argued that this has likely changed. The chief reasons seem to involve the European imitation of the academic ethos that is more prevalent in America. Features of this academic ethos include a more formalist orientation in graduate programs and an academic incentive system wherein professional journal publication is paramount and public discourse is relatively devalued. I suggest there is an inescapable ideological dilemma in addressing the costs and benefits of professors’ neglect of public discourse. The ideological character of academics compared with our own political sensibilities affect whether we want academics to influence public discourse or not. I use the history of academics as public intellectuals in Sweden to substantiate the change, and I use new data on Swedish social science academics to see whether those who participate in public discourse tend to have certain political and social views.

情感与网络抗争动员——基于湖北“石首事件”的个案分析

本文打通个人层次与社会层次联系,从微观层面展现当代中国网络政治抗争动员的一般图景,以克服资源动员理论对中国网络政治抗争动员机制解释的不适应问题。湖北"石首事件"个案分析表明,情感在网络政治抗争动员过程中发挥着决定性的作用。从个体层次看,事件对网民的情感刺激决定了网民对事件的解读方式,从而直接影响公共话语建构和网民的社会认同。从社会层次看,网民情感反应根植于社会文化之中,社会文化框架决定着政府与网民互动的模式,直接决定网络政治抗争动员框架的建构。打通个体分析层次与社会分析层次的联系是理解情感影响下的社会认同建构是根本,也是理解当代中国网络政治抗争的根本。分析情感对网络政治抗争动员的影响有利于深入理解网络社会运动的内在机理,也有利于政府科学应对网络集体行动,促进政府与公众的良性互动。     

Politics Against Science: Reflections on the Study of Chinese Politics in Contemporary China

As a preliminary investigation and an intellectual reflection of the state of the field of Chinese domestic political study conducted in the Chinese language in mainland China, this paper deals with a threefold task. It first assesses the state of the field of the study of Chinese politics in mainland China, and argues that this scholarship is underdeveloped in comparison with the study of home-country politics in some other countries. It then clarifies the often blurring boundaries in contemporary China between the political science study of Chinese politics on one hand and other categories of political writings on the other, and maintains that the political penetration from the Party-state has been the major factor that hinders the intellectual development of the study of Chinese politics as a branch of political science. The paper, thirdly, suggests the so-called “open-minded independence of scholarship” with the emphases on academic autonomy and institutionalized professionalism as what the most needed for developing the study of Chinese politics in the Sinophonic world.     

Creating Student-Scholar-Activists: Discourse Instruction and Social Justice in Political Science Classrooms

This article advocates the use of discourse instruction as a means of integrating issues of social justice into the classroom and transcending the debate over politicization in academia. The field of political science is at an uncomfortable juncture; it is faced with an obligation to ourselves and our communities to critically engage and push back against the more toxic components of the political moment, staying relevant and accurate and providing students with the tools they need to process the political world; while, also resisting the dual pressures to either stay apolitical/non-partisan, or to become a current events class, ceding class time to deciphering the day’s political events. We argue that discourse instruction can be used to teach the skills of social justice in political science classrooms. In addition, the infusion of diversity into the classroom through discourse instruction is both a means of enhancing student learning by engaging in high-impact practices of teaching and learning and political activism.     

The Politics of Inclusive Agreements: towards a Critical Discourse Theory of Democracy

This article offers a critical assessment of Jürgen Habermas's discourse theory of democracy. It suggests that the main thrust of a discursive account of legitimacy is the attempt to show how the demands of maximal democratic inclusion might be reconciled with a politics of reasoned agreements. While this aim is endorsed, the thrust of the argument is that a critical theory of democracy requires that normative frameworks that bring certain substantive features of democratic life into focus should supplement Habermas's procedural approach. First, the account of maximal inclusion has to be developed in a way that clarifies the egalitarian demands of distributive justice. Secondly, the account of a politics of reasoned agreements has to be connected to a theoretical analysis of the bonds of solidarity that could underpin such a form of political engagement. These developments contribute to a critical theory that gives a more adequate account of the motivational basis of discursive democracy.