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1.
Through two case studies, this essay examines the relationship between the operation and practice of law in Aotearoa New Zealand and the naming of the ‘unlawful’, ‘uncivil’ or ‘disorderly’ within a colonial context. Against the background of the apparent complicity between law and colonial interest and desire in Aotearoa, I argue that, in both the ‘Haka Party’ case (1979) and Mair v Wanganui City Council (1996), the acts of the defendants draw attention to the relationship between the authority of the law and the repression or exclusion of difference. According to the judges in both cases, the dictates of Maori law and custom were in conflict with the principles of ‘law and order’. Read in terms of colonial relations, the perceived relationship between Maori law and custom and the threat to ‘civilization’, law and order reveals the way in which ‘the law’ has operated in a culturally biased manner and has reflected the interests of Pakeha (New Zealanders of European descent). Thus, the perceived threat of the challenge made to the law in either case can be seen as the threat to reveal it for what it is, to expose the violence that maintains it, and thus to open a space for critique. Perhaps more powerfully than any physical attack on the system itself, these acts which expose the law challenge it in the name of justice, making it possible for the law to be seen both as a reflection of a particular cultural interest and hence as co-opt-able, takeable and able to be made to serve another end, that of the other in the name of justice. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

2.
This article seeks to identify how, and in what ways, the debate over ethnic identity acquired saliency during the different phases of black settlement in England, especially against the backcloth of the socio-cultural processes and the economics of colonialism. It outlines how the ‘other’ was constituted in different discourses, policies, and practices, and how these constructions were appropriated by the criminal justice agencies. Critically, ethnic identity as subordinate and ‘inferior’ was produced by many of the same mechanisms as was developed with regard to the indigenous ‘criminal’ class in Victorian England. Societal reaction, through criminal and civil statutes, established the identity of the ethnic minorities of early nineteenth century England, not just as subordinate strata, but also by a more complex process, as a variant of the newly emergent ‘criminal’ class. It is argued that, caught in the hub of empire, the ‘ayahs’, the ‘lascars’ and the domestic servants (See R. Visram, The Ayahs, Lascars and The Princes (London: Pluto).) in England’s ports found themselves reconstructed as part of the ‘criminal’ class and subsequently subjected to disciplinary measures of social control and surveillance. The author argues with regard to the indigenous population, conceptions of the threat of the non-Western crystallised around the same popular images of ‘savagery’ and of moral degeneracy, a process reinforced in imperial fiction. A desire to ‘civilise’ and improve the peculiar habits of the non-Western followed directly from indigenous precedent.  相似文献   

3.
赵钢  王杏飞 《现代法学》2012,34(4):163-171
古今中外均曾有过形形色色的法律虚无主义思潮。新中国成立以来,曾一度盛行完全否认法律作用的法律虚无主义,使得中国社会全面陷入了"无法无天"的混乱状况,甚至到了崩溃的边缘。当前,中国特色的社会主义法律体系已经形成,法治的观念亦已初步深入人心。然而,近些年来,在我国民事司法领域却悄然出现了新的法律虚无主义倾向与实践,集中表现为轻视、否认、虚置立法权威与法律规范的"违法司法"与"法外操作"等。我们坚决反对任何形式的法律虚无主义,倡导在严格遵守现行立法与遵循司法规律的前提下适度地能动司法,这是社会主义司法原则不可动摇的基本要求,也是建设社会主义法治国家的必由之路。  相似文献   

4.
独特的法律推理模式是现代法治条件下司法运行的一个重要特征,研究和丰富法律推理这一课题,对提高法官司法能力,做好新形势下司法审判工作具有重要的现实意义.  相似文献   

5.
改革开放三十多年来,"严打"、"普法"、"社会治安综合治理"以及"社会管理综合治理"等方式可以看作是国家对基层社会进行治理的探索.十八届四中全会提出"推进基层治理法治化"吹响了全面依法治理基层社会的号角.作为拥有执法人员数量最多的基层执法机构,处在社会矛盾解决第一线的派出所的法律实施依据、方法和技术理应为基层社会治理提供法治资源和法治路径.浙江省K派出所的案例、做法和制度有力地诠释了派出所的法律实施契合基层社会治理.派出所法律实施所展现出来的四大法治功能是推进基层社会治理法治化的桥梁.派出所应从人口管理、行政执法、刑事司法、服务社会、走群众路线、严格遵守程序原则和善于运用非正式制度性因素等方面来为基层社会治理法治化提供理念支持和行动榜样.  相似文献   

6.
在国家治理现代化推进的激励之下,21世纪中国治理模式演进为以全面依法治国和全面深化改革为特征的中国式善治。善治的中国模式包含了多重治理系统的内在逻辑,即执政党治理制度化、政府治理法治化、社会治理的协同化和参与全球治理的有效化。善治的中国模式呈现出坚持党的领导和推进执政党续造、坚持全面深化改革和迈向幸福生活的政治图景。  相似文献   

7.
目前我国立法机关存在将有关行政法等部门法律直接引向犯罪的趋势。这不仅导致了附属刑法的弱化,甚至使附属刑法的作用被忽视,还对我国司法实务的操作造成了不便,将本不该由刑法规制的行为错误地划分为犯罪。为了解决这个问题,有学者开始关注我国并不存在的附属刑法。附属刑法本身具有实现维系刑法典稳定、衔接刑法与各部门法、为刑法提供持续性保证的功能。其具有实在内容、又以刑法典为基础和本源,故附属刑法是可以修正刑法典并达到刑法对社会治理作用的有效形式。  相似文献   

8.
马克斯·韦伯率先提出法律合法性和合理性论题,但由于其经验主义取向和价值无涉立场,只能得出实证论结论,即法律合法性就是法律的实际有效性或法律被人们所实际遵循,形式法律就是合理性法律。哈贝马斯在其交往合理性理论基础上提出了法律商谈论,认为法律是否合法的根据并不在于它是否实际有效,而在于它是否体现了一种以对话为前提要件的法律商谈精神。法律的合理化要旨在于将体现对话商谈精神的合法性法律要求进行具体社会实践式的兑现。  相似文献   

9.
韩红俊  魏东 《河北法学》2005,23(12):93-97
随着制度主义在20世纪80年代的复兴,制度作为人类社会生活中一种内生变量所起的重要作用,重新得到了人们的重视。针对制度引发的社会危机,考察了社会危机对刑事司法系统带来的冲击,对刑事司法系统功能失效之原因进行了解析,从刑事司法系统的功能、内在属性等方面入手,探讨了制度引发的社会危机期间刑事司法系统的重新定位和改革措施。  相似文献   

10.
通过对哈耶克自由主义法律理论的解读,笔者提出了一种理解契约正义的思想理路。即在自由主义的视域中,自由是正义的核心价值,正义实为对人的意志本身的评价,而不能从行为结果衡量,因此,不管缔约人追求的具体目的如何,我们应以缔约人意志的自由状态作为评价契约是否符合正义的基本标准;普遍的契约自由的实现有赖于法律的保障,缔约意志实为其内在动机与外在法律互动的结果,唯有以契约法为核心的私法具有保障契约自由普遍实现的功能品性,因此,所谓契约正义实为缔约人依私法自由缔约的契约本身。  相似文献   

11.
国家治理能力现代化,必须要求法治现代化。算法能力的不断提高,大数据的深度应用,人工智能科技的飞速发展,成为国家智慧法治的重要科技手段。科技方法的综合运用,可以不断提升国家的治理能力,拓展法治的重要实践路径,有利于实现国家的长治久安。通过智慧法治进一步稳固执政党的执政能力,提升政府的治理能力,形塑公民的主体思维,以及整合国家与社会的关系,是新时代国家治理必然面临的重大社会变革,也是国家治理能力现代化的时代宣言。国家治理是现代科技应用的重要场所,不断深入整合现代高端科技,塑造国家治理的科技路径,使之成为有效提升国家治理能力的科技引擎,演绎现代法治发展的重大历史篇章。  相似文献   

12.
夏锦文 《法学论坛》2005,20(2):18-23
法律职业化与司法现代化的共同理论语境是现代性理论 ,共同实践背景是法制现代化运动。法律职业化意味着一个经过法学理论熏陶和法律知识传授之法律职业家共同体的形成 ,这个职业家共同体共享法律价值并娴熟于法律技能。司法现代化作为法制现代化的一个重要组成部分 ,倡导并通过现代司法制度确认司法独立、程序正义、程序效率等基本价值准则。法律职业化与司法现代化之间的理论关联可以从法律与经济关系、司法独立与程序正义、司法制度资源供给与分享、法律作为科学学科和知识体系、司法效率实现等多种维度进行分析和把握。  相似文献   

13.
突发事件应急治理是一个全局性的工作,需要各部门法在治理目的的统摄下相互协调、综合应对。无论从刑事法律体系功能化转向还是应急治理对国家权力、个人权利的重新塑造来看,刑事司法基于应急治理需求的应变具有当然正当性。然而突发事件带来的情势急转,存在刑事法律滑向工具主义、应急目的的非理性反应和对应急权力制约弱化的潜在风险,这就要求刑事法律在适用过程中严守人权保障底线,在充分考量集体法益共识形成过程和精准判断特殊法益侵害的情形下,谨慎、规范地适用刑事法律规范。  相似文献   

14.
司法裁判的正当性问题及以对话理论为主要内容的法律论证理论,近年来在我国受到学界广泛关注。为增强司法公信力,司法实践对此也作出了应有的回应和探索,重点是强化庭审功能,推行裁判文书改革。尤其强调裁判理由阐释及论证,要求法官必须公开其心证过程。但在中国转型社会的现实语境中,实质公正仍是司法裁判追求的最高目标,法官适用法律存在多重困境,法律论证过程不可避免地遭遇尴尬。司法裁判的正当性追求仍应以实现法律之内的正义为基础,同时应回应立法目的与社会利益。  相似文献   

15.
法学的历史使命是维护并阐释某种法治秩序。当代法学首先是根植于中国法律实践,阐释实践中的两个法律样本即技术性样本和政治性样本。政治性样本始终与现实的政治话语纠葛在一起,但作为一种政治智慧,要将社会问题司法化,同时避免司法问题的泛政治化,特别是不能超越法律规范。从这个角度说,法律可以被利用,但却不能被违反。纵观法治建设的历史,有革命式和渐进式两种模式。中国法治建设不能生拉硬扯,应该顺应历史和时空条件,走中国特色的渐进式法治之道。在经济改革拉动下的私法制度基本形成之后,下一步,应该在社会建设和政治改革的推进下,寻找建构法治秩序的突破口,完善社会法域和公法域的基本制度,在实践中形成中国式的法治秩序。  相似文献   

16.
接近正义寻求和谐:案例指导制度的法哲学之维   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
案例指导制度是既不同于大陆法系的判例,也不同于普通法系中判例法的一项新制度,是我国司法机关在既有的制度框架和现行司法体制基础上所进行的一项接近正义、寻求和谐的制度创新。一方面,案例指导制度能够解决因制定法自身缺陷与不足所造成的同案不同判的问题,确保司法平等,实现形式正义。另一方面,案例指导制度有助于实现法律调整机制结构的合理化,即实现硬性约束和软性约束的有机结合,进而形成对社会生活有效回应的弹性法律调整机制。  相似文献   

17.
The aim of this paper is to identify the possible substructure (looking glass/es) of a critical legal argument for contractual justice (Wonderland) in the South African law of contract. South African contract law still fails, ten years after the constitutional transformation, to reflect the constitutional ideals of freedom, equality and human dignity in an acceptable manner. I argue that this disposition places a question mark over the legitimacy of contract law and marginalizes opportunities for the social change envisaged by the Constitution. The paper explores Duncan Kennedy’s Form and Substance-argument and indicates that the reluctance to accommodate these values may be attributable to the fact that the majority of role-players position themselves on the individualism/rules side of Kennedy’s continuum – a paradigm that perceives the law of contract as a body of positivistic rules to be applied neutrally and regardless of the social or socio-economic distortions its application may generate. In an attempt to move away from this traditional approach, the privileged paradigm is criticised. A typical CLS-approach is followed which employs sociology, psychological jurisprudence and game theory to criticise the law from outside the restrictive realms of law itself. Simultaneously, I attempt to illuminate the argument for a shift (step through the looking glass) to another paradigm. I conclude that our judiciary finds itself in a position similar to that of Plato’s prisoners in the cave and will not reach the point where they apply relevant (constitutional) values directly to contractual disputes. The State is thus responsible for infusing contract law with contractual justice, by implementing legislation to this effect in order to limit the hegemonic consequences of the judiciary’s obsession with freedom of contract and utopian rules, which fail in reality to further the ideal of justice. Paper presented at the Critical Legal Conference, 4 September 2004, London, UK. This paper is dedicated to the memory of the late Judge of Appeal, Mr. Justice P.J. Olivier. The paper is based on research conducted for the thesis in partial fulfilment of the degree LLD in the Faculty of Law at the University of Pretoria under the title ‘A critical legal argument for contractual justice in the South African law of contract.’ The degree supervisor is Professor Karin van Marle in the Department of Legal History, Comparative Law and Jurisprudence. The author wishes to thank the following persons for valuable deliberations and input: Karin van Marle, Graham Bradfield and Anashri Pillay. In addition, the author wishes to acknowledge and thank the University of Cape Town for financially supporting this research. †Paper presented at the Critical Legal Conference, 4 September 2004, London, UK. This paper is dedicated to the memory of the late Judge of Appeal, Mr. Justice P.J. Olivier. The paper is based on research conducted for the thesis in partial fulfilment of the degree LLD in the Faculty of Law at the University of Pretoria under the title ‘A critical legal argument for contractual justice in the South African law of contract.’ The degree supervisor is Professor Karin van Marle in the Department of Legal History, Comparative Law and Jurisprudence. The author wishes to thank the following persons for valuable deliberations and input: Karin van Marle, Graham Bradfield and Anashri Pillay. In addition, the author wishes to acknowledge and thank the University of Cape Town for financially supporting this research. apply relevant (constitutional) values directly to contractual disputes. The State is thus responsible for infusing contract law with contractual justice, by implementing legislation to this effect in order to limit the hegemonic consequences of the judiciary’s obsession with freedom of contract and utopian rules, which fail in reality to further the ideal of justice.  相似文献   

18.
联合国的改革进程涉及诸多国际法问题,它对国家主权平等原则、不干涉内政原则和禁止以武力相威胁或使用武力原则提出了挑战。联合国改革与集体安全制度、《联合国宪章》的修改也密切相关。在联合国的改革进程中,现代国际法将发挥重要作用。同时,联合国改革又将进一步推动现代国际法的发展。  相似文献   

19.
少年司法肇始于美国,至今已有110余年的历史。但美国少年司法发展历程并非一帆风顺,先后历经前少年法院时期、少年法院创设与探索期、少年权利时期以及少年司法晚近变革期等四个主要阶段。其间,少年司法政策因实证主义兴起与新刑事古典主义复兴等社会思潮交叉影响不免时常进退辗转,甚至出现少年法院废除论的主张。对美国少年司法与未成年人保护追根溯源及总结,以吸取其改革中的经验与教训,以供构建我国少年司法制度反省、参酌和借鉴实有必要。  相似文献   

20.
Climate change is a security problem that requires global solutions. Despite some important recent advances, current international responses to climate change are inadequate. This paper assesses whether the United Nations Security Council possesses sufficient legal authority to compel states to address the causes and consequences of climate change. While not advocating the immediate adoption of coercive measures, this paper initiates discussion of this issue, with the goal of developing an institutional framework within which to respond to this emerging threat, if necessary. The paper begins with a brief overview of the clear links between climate change and security, and the inadequacy to date of international remedial efforts. This is followed by a detailed analysis of Security Council legal authority, in particular the UN Charter, including a discussion of its evolving invocation in the context of non-traditional threats. Applying this legal framework to the specific issue of climate change demonstrates the substantial authority of the Security Council to take binding decisions relating to this subject, and its wide range of available enforcement measures, recognizing that political will to exercise and support this authority is required for any successful Security Council efforts to address climate change. The paper concludes that the Security Council has the legal authority to address the causes and consequences of climate change, and that its recent counter-terrorism and non-proliferation measures provide an illustrative institutional framework within which to address this emerging ‘threat to international peace and security’.
Christopher K. PennyEmail:
  相似文献   

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