论中国和平发展对外战略提出的国内外背景

中国特色社会主义是维护世界和平、促进世界共同繁荣的社会主义。当代国际政治、经济形势有利于中国实施和平发展的对外战略。中国特色的社会主义决定了我国的发展和崛起不可能、也不允许走侵略、扩张的道路,只能坚持走和平发展道路。     

和谐世界——重在携手努力、推动建设

"和谐世界"的新理念是以胡锦涛为总书记的党中央根据对当前国际形势、全球问题的基本判断,从中国国内经济、政治的发展出发,对中国外交政策目标和国际战略原则的新概括.推动建设和谐世界,既是我们坚持走和平发展道路的必然要求,也是我们实现和平发展的重要条件.推动建设和谐世界,符合中国的根本利益和世界各国人民的共同愿望.和谐世界不会自动实现,要靠各国人民携手努力、共同建设.     

迎接国际和平年

联合国确定一九八六年为国际和平年,在全世界范围内开展争取和维护和平的活动。中国人民需要和平,世界人民也需要和平。和平与发展是当今世界的两大课题,要发展必须有和平,因此中国人民拥护联合国的决定,愿同世界人民一道为维护世界和平而进行持久不懈的斗争。 中华人民共和国建国以后,进行了三十多年的社会主义建设,在各方面都取得了光     

从大国崛起的角度浅析中国的和平发展战略

在经济全球化和区域一体化进程日益凸显的今天,民族国家已经很难单纯依靠自己的力量来处理国家事务,不可避免地受到国际环境的影响。当今世界,权力是国际政治中的重要内容,但不容否认的是,国际组织、国际制度和国际规范也发挥着越来越重要的作用。冷战之后,国际社会中各主要行为体开始进行战略调整,国际战略格局面临新的变局。和平与发展成为当今时代主题,这就决定了中国的发展必须走和平的道路,这是不同于西方的一次艰辛探索。古代中国的文化传统和新中国的外交理念是中国走和平发展之路的思想基础。中国的发展需要和平的环境,中国的发展也能更好地促进世界的整体和平。     

南海主权争端复杂性成因分析

南海争端因为涉及主权国家多,东南亚国家对强占岛礁进行实际控制,美国积极介入等因素而成为世人关注的焦点。对于中国而言,探求南海争端复杂性的成因,才能明晰中国在其中的利益格局,并采取相应行为以捍卫国家利益。     

科学发展观与和平发展

科学发展观是我国社会发展的指导思想。和平发展战略是建立在科学发展观这一科学理念基础之上,是其在对外政策上的延伸和具体体现,是我国社会发展的全方位战略。科学发展观是和平发展的指导思想和核心理念,本质上决定了中国的和平发展道路,而和平发展道路则是中国人民以科学发展观为指导的必然选择。     

愿悲剧不再重演

东京专电 “日本军国主义侵略使中国人民蒙受了巨大的灾难,日本人民也深受其害。只有吸取历史的教训,才能捍卫今天的和平。”塚越正男先生最近根据他的亲身经历,深有体会地向记者说了这些话。 塚越正男参加过侵华战争,1945年被俘,后被中国最高人民法院特别军事法庭判为战犯,1956年经中国政府宽大处理释放回国。他回到日本后曾担任中国归还者联盟事务局长,长期以来一直从事反战和日中     

论中菲黄岩岛争端的复杂性及中国对策

南海主权争端中,中国虽拥有充分证据证明对南海诸岛及其毗连水域拥有不容置疑的历史性权利,却因其他相关国家侵犯并实际控制南海岛礁的行为而卷入争议.中菲黄岩岛争端如何解决,牵动世人视线.欲促进这一争端以和平方式收场并捍卫中国合法权益,须了解其复杂性,分析中国在其中的有利和不利因素,并进而探讨中国在争端中应采取的对策.     

我国南海旅游发展的战略构想

开展南海旅游不仅能保障渔民生活,提高渔民收益,帮助渔民实现转产转业,而且也是捍卫我国南海主权、发展海洋经济的有效途径。引导我国渔民开展南海旅游,需要国家高度重视,统筹规划,需要相关部门措施得力,有所作为。要在保障渔民和游客生命财产安全的前提下,立足南海资源,指导和依托渔民,重点开展海洋休闲观光、海洋休闲渔业、海洋生态旅游、海上"丝绸之路"文化旅游等旅游活动,推动南海海洋资源的深度开发利用。     

永远的爱国主义丰碑

今年１０月２５ 日，是中国人民志愿军抗美援朝 出国作战５０周年纪念日。抗美援朝是新中国 成立后，中国人民为了抵抗侵略、保卫祖国、维护亚洲和世界和平而进行的一场艰苦卓绝的正义战争。在纪念这个伟大日子的时候，我们更加缅怀我英雄的人民志愿军保家卫国、不畏强暴、不怕牺牲的光荣历史，更感到，要弘扬中国人民热爱和平、团结一致、反对侵略的爱国精神，在各自的工作岗位上为建设有中国特色社会主义作出应有的贡献。 抗美援朝是抵抗侵略、维护亚洲和世界和平的正义战争。在这场长达２年零９个月的战争中，中国人民付出了巨大的民族牺…     

党领导人民改善民生是道路自信的实质内容和价值追求

中国特色社会主义道路自信的内涵主要包括对发展道路已有成果的充分肯定,对目前发展道路延续性的清晰认知,对未来发展道路的充分信心。道路自信是不断推进民生建设的现实需要和思想保障,给民生建设提供和平的发展环境、不断补齐民生发展短板的艰巨任务,都需要坚定道路自信。从中国道路已有发展成果看,道路自信的根本依据是广大人民群众的支持和拥护,道路自信来源于对我国民生问题的科学把握,来源于深厚的群众基础,来源于给中国人民带来的巨大发展成就。从中国道路发展延续性看,道路自信的实质内容是不断满足人民群众的美好生活需要,为此,要坚持新发展理念,用发展的办法解决发展中的问题;要解决好发展不平衡不充分的问题,不断满足不同阶层的多层次的民生需求。从中国道路未来发展看,道路自信的价值追求是不断增强人民群众的获得感幸福感安全感。要实现好维护好发展好最广大人民的根本利益,把实现全体人民共同富裕作为基本着眼点,把实现人民幸福安康作为根本目的和归宿。     

让廉洁成为社会生活中强大的文化力量

社会发展，民族振兴，既需要物质“硬实力”，也需要文化“软实力”，当前廉政文化建设的深入开展有助于形成一种廉洁的社会环境，极大地提高我国的文化力量。在反腐倡廉建设中，仅强调制度健全还不够，要从自律意识、文化氛围、社会环境等方面着手，让廉洁成为一种社会风貌，一种生活方式，以解决源头防腐的根本问题。领导干部应起到示范作用，从小事做起，从身边人管起，牢记为人民服务的宗旨，万事民为先，在广大群众中树立威信和良好形象，保障国家的长治久安与繁荣富强。     

论民生型政府的治理战略创新

关注民生、重视民生、保障民生、改善民生是人民政府的基本职责。我国的现实国情和世情表明，构建民生型政府应该成为我国21世纪行政管理体制改革的基本目标。为了科学阐述民生型政府的治理战略，我们必须准确界定民生型政府的内涵，以及民生型政府创新治理战略的基本内容。     

和谐社会视野下警察权配置问题探析

警察权作为公共权力的一种,本源于人民,应服务于人民。然而,警察权自身的侵略性、扩张性又使它成为一种极具危险性的权力。为此,有必要从构建社会主义和谐社会的需要出发,从法哲学、政治学、社会学、伦理学等多角度,对我国警察权重新予以科学合理的配置。     

Think territory politically: the making and escalation of Beijing’s commitment to Sovereignize Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands

In popular narratives, intellectual and media analysts believe the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute between China and Japan is a contestation for potential hydrocarbon reserves and other maritime rights which are per se divisible, but nationalism – particularly on China side – and relative power change between the two competing claimants make these territories increasingly indivisible and the dispute war-prone. Based on a review over People's Daily’s coverage of the disputes and other secondary information, this article reveals a different scenario by highlighting the political meanings of disputed territories for national cohesion and regime self-preservation. It finds, Beijing’s strategic moves in the disputes are influenced by its efforts at different occasions to de-legitimate Republic of China at Taiwan and defend its core interests – namely Taiwan and the "One-China" principle, to appease the patriotism in Hong Kong and facilitate the latter’s stable reversion to China in 1990s, and what is more, to rally popular support at home. In addition, Beijing’s Diaoyu/Senkaku strategy did not follow a carefully calculated path, but was mostly reactive to the contingencies and ultimately took shape through the incremental accumulation of previous policies and behaviours.     

对我军完成多样化军事任务的几点思考

胡锦涛总书记在党的十七大报告中明确了提高军队应对多种安全威胁、完成多样化军事任务的能力,要达到全面履行党和人民赋予的新视野和军事战略视野,进一步增强政治意识、大局意识,新阶段军队历史使命,必须提高军队应对多样化军事任务的使命意识和战略意识,在纷繁复杂的形势面前能消除威胁、完成多样化军事任务的能力,坚决维护国家主权、安全、领土完整,为维护世界和平贡献力量。这是当前国防和军队建设的重要内容,也是新世纪履行我军历史使命的体现。     

China's security agenda after the cold war

The end of the cold war has changed China's basic perception of world politics and its conception of national security. In the cold war era, Chinese leaders tended to view national security from the perspective of global balance of power and China's strategic relations with the two superpowers. It was in Beijing's security interests to maintain a comfortable position in a strategic triangular relationship with the Soviet Union and the United States. When the Soviet Empire and the East European communist regimes collapsed, the structure of the postwar international system dissolved, and the old parameters for Beijing's security strategy disappeared. The Chinese leadership suddenly found itself in a totally new world in which China needed to reorient and redefine its security strategy on a new strategic axis.

Beijing's security strategy after the cold war is redefined by its domestic priorities, growing foreign economic relations, the new security environment in Asia, and concerns over territorial disputes. In a sense, the myopic conception of security based on war and peace is fading away. Beijing's thinking on national security becomes more inclusive, diverse, and complicated. The nature and intensity of external threats has changed. China's growing economic ties with the outside world have redirected Beijing's attention to economic interests and security. The Chinese leadership realizes that its security is affected not only by the military forces of other countries, but also by political, economic, societal, and environmental factors in international relations Beijing needs to employ both traditional military defence and non‐military actions to safeguard its territorial integrity and to realize its full capacity in world affairs.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse China's security agendas after the cold war. It first examines the impact of the end of the cold war on China's thinking on national security, then discusses Beijing's threat perception and changing defence strategy. This is followed by an examination of domestic stability considerations and economic interests in Beijing's security strategy. Finally, it discusses the implications of China's growing power for regional security.     

积极推进和平发展 努力建设和谐世界

和平是发展之基,发展是和平之本。中国的发展需要和平,中国的发展有利于创造和平的国际环境,因而中国坚持走和平发展的道路。中国政府积极倡导和谐世界,中国人民努力建设和谐世界,推动建设持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界。     

论党的人民中心价值观的效能转化

中国特色社会主义进入新时代,中国改革发展面临新的更加复杂的形势任务,要满足人民对美好生活的向往和追求,就必须不断把以人民为中心的价值观融入党领导伟大实践的各个方面、各个层次,转化为实现好、维护好、发展好人民利益的好政策、好措施、好制度,真正让人民过上更加幸福美好的生活。因此,持续实现价值观到执政效能的转变,取得人民满意的执政业绩,是中国共产党在中国特色社会主义新时代必须完成的历史使命。为此,必须增强价值观的确定性和解释力,防止价值观冲突与被解构;把调查研究作为正确决策和实现效能转化的前提;切实处理好工作中对上负责与对下负责的关系。     

Security: Missing from the Northern Ireland Model

The Northern Ireland model is best defined as the framing of the political endgame of Northern Ireland’s conflict culminating in the 1998 Belfast Agreement, otherwise known as the Good Friday Agreement. The Northern Ireland model is popularly portrayed as a negotiated settlement. It focuses primarily on the bargain reached by Northern Irish political parties, assisted by British and Irish governments and mediated by US senator George Mitchell. Academics and officials alike use it to explain how the “Troubles” ended and peace was achieved. Conspicuously absent from this model is security. It also grossly understates the difficulty in dealing with a modern insurgency (the Provisionals) and leans too heavily toward skewed post-conflict thinking that views insurgents as “peacemakers” prevented from making peace because of a manifestly poor security response, particularly that of the police force and its intelligence agency (Special Branch). The perspective of politicians and diplomats who brokered the peace settlement prioritizes political negotiations at the expense of the security response; in so doing, the role of security is undermined and overlooked. Most contemporary academic works promote this outlook. Excluding security, however, thwarts a comprehensive analysis of the Northern Ireland conflict and renders any examination partial and unrepresentative. There is therefore a significant intellectual gap in our understanding of how peace was achieved, which this article redresses. Ultimately, it questions the Northern Ireland model’s capacity to assist in other relevant conflict contexts in any practical sense by arguing that a strategy where security pushed as politics pulled brought about peace. In other words, security played a crucial part because it forced the main protagonists into a situation out of which the Belfast Agreement emerged.