特朗普政府南亚战略:动因、走向与挑战

特朗普政府南亚战略的形成受国内关于阿富汗困局的政治辩论、南亚安全形势的持续恶化及中国崛起等因素的影响。该战略主要由阿富汗、印度与巴基斯坦三大支柱构成,其主要内容包括增兵阿富汗聚焦于反恐并支持其自主重建,希望印度在阿富汗问题上发挥更大作用并深化多层次的美印战略伙伴关系,对巴基斯坦实施"大棒"政策以迫使其加强与美国的反恐合作力度。未来,美国仍将主导阿富汗重建话语权、强化美印多层次的战略协调与融合、在反恐上向巴基斯坦施压并倾向采用区域合作方法解决难题。特朗普政府南亚战略的实施既受制于南亚域内国家之间的博弈,也受制于域外重要利益攸关者之间错综复杂的利益纠葛,其实施将面临诸多挑战。     

"9.11"后美国南亚政策的变化

在确定阿富汗塔利班政权为军事打击的目标后,美国对其南亚政策进行了大幅回调,将"扬印抑巴"改为"重巴顾印",在一定程度上扭转了美印关系急剧升温、美巴关系每况愈下的局面.随着反恐战争的进一步深入,如何平衡美印、美巴关系,将是摆在美国面前的棘手问题.     

奥巴马政府中东反恐政策述评

在奥巴马2008年取得总统大选胜利之际,布什政府中东政策的沉重遗产即反恐优先与和平进程被边缘化的恶性互动,构成了奥巴马中东政策和反恐政策需要面临的严峻挑战。基于当时的复杂局面,奥巴马政府并没有很快提出新的国家反恐战略,而是在整个中东战略之下进行反恐战略调整。伴随2011年6月美国《国家反恐战略》的出台,奥巴马政府的反恐战略正式成型。中东反恐虽占据奥巴马政府重要地位,但较之布什政府,美国中东反恐的总体战略、反恐重点区域和对象、反恐手段均发生重要变化。奥巴马中东反恐政策的效果可谓喜忧参半,表现为美国在具体的反恐收效方面取得了一定的成果,但美国面临的恐怖主义威胁依然严峻。更为重要的是,美国与伊斯兰国家的关系并未得到改善,阿拉伯伊斯兰世界的反美主义仍然根深蒂固。     

印美关系与奥巴马政府的南亚政策

奥巴马上台执政已逾一年,美国民主党政府的对外政策基调逐渐明朗。作为美国南亚政策的重要组成部分,印美关系涉及到不同层面与广泛领域,反映了双方各自的利益关切、战略考虑与外交取向。从不同角度看,奥巴马执政以来印美在发展双边关系、反恐、地区安全、反扩散等方面的接触与互动既体现了在此前布什政府时期印美关系升温基础上的调整与磨合,也凸显了某些新的问题和不确定因素。     

论美国的“阿富巴”战略对亚洲国际关系的影响

奥巴马政府上台以来,继续推行＂阿富巴战略＂,南亚地区形势呈现出新的发展特点。在此过程中,美分别调整了对印、巴政策,以求实现有关各国之间关系的平衡;同时,南亚内部各大国之间的关系也愈发微妙。作为阿、巴重要邻国的伊朗继续成为影响南亚局势的重要因素。＂阿富巴战略＂还将对亚洲大国产生一定的影响     

美国对印度政策发展的动因及影响

3月20—25日,美国总统克林顿对印度进行了为期5天的国事访问,这是自1978年卡特总统访印之后美国总统对印的首次访问。克林顿此行是美国在调整南亚政策进程中采取的重大步骤,表明南亚已成为美国的外交重点之一,而对印政策则是美国南亚政策的支柱。在美、印、巴关系中,美国已改变冷战期间助巴反印的立场,转而采取向印倾斜的方针,说明印美关系已走出冷战阴影,逐渐向新型伙伴关系过渡。     

奥巴马"百日外交"述评

为摆脱反恐、大国关系和热点问题处理方面的困境,奥巴马政府上台后对美国外交政策进行了大幅调整,其百日外交体现了变革思路:积极修复同盟体系,加强与新兴大国交往,在中东寻求和解,助推南亚反恐战略."百日外交"虽有成就,但前景还存在不确定性.     

浅析美、印、巴三角关系的变化

近年来,美国、印度、巴基斯坦三角关系由冷战结束初期所呈现出的相对均衡的锐角三角型,变成了美"近印疏巴"的钝角三角型."9·11事件"后,美国回调对南亚的政策,美巴关系转圜,美、印、巴间的三角关系发生了新的嬗变.如何看待这些变化,如何把握美、印、巴三角关系未来的走向,是本文所要探讨的重点.     

印美关系走向

[内容提要]一个时期以来,印美关系明显升温,美国公开宣称拟帮助印度成为21世纪的全球大国。从美国方面来看,加大对印关系力度完全服务于其全球战略、亚洲战略和南亚政策。其中,拉印制华是美国强化对印关系最重要的战略意图之一。从印度方面来看,发展与美关系将有助于其自身的崛起和应对其所面临的政治、经济与外交问题。印美关系仍有相当大的发展空间,但双方在不少重大问题上存在深刻分歧。     

从克林顿南亚之行看美国“南亚政策”的调整及影响

克林顿对南亚三国的访问,提升了美印关系,加强了与孟加拉国的经济合作,并逼迫巴基斯坦军政府还政于民。以克林顿南亚之行为起点,美国南亚政策也从“平衡外交”调整为“重印轻巴”,通过提升美印关系;开展战略对话,拉拢印度,以期借重印度实现美在南亚和印度洋的主导地位,将南亚纳入其全球战略框架。一、历史回顾美国南亚政策的制定和调整主要是根据其全球战略的需要,受美苏在南亚地区角逐的影响和制约,按不同时期分为三个阶段。第一阶段,冷战时期,“拉巴抑印”。这一时期,东西方冷战,美苏为争夺世界霸权在全球范围内展开激烈斗争。在南亚,苏联…     

The cost of containment: The Cold War and US international drug control at the UN, 1950-58

This article explores the influence of the Cold War on the formulation and application of US narcotic foreign policy at the UN. Examination of Washington's approach toward drug control in South East Asia and the Middle East reveals how the ideologically rich and longstanding US international crusade against narcotics was often subordinated to the containment of communist expansionism. The article demonstrates how both individual and systemic factors combined to deflect US attention away from the sources of illegal narcotics. This produced a confused and contradictory policy despite increasing fears during the 1950s that drugs from abroad posed a real threat to the American way of life.     

日本积极介入南海问题的战略意图和政策走向

进入21世纪以来,日本政府推进＂南进战略＂,高调介入南海问题,争夺海洋权益的政策倾向越发明显。野田内阁上台以后,更是积极与东南亚国家开展海上安全合作,谋划关于南海问题的多边机制。不难看出,日本的战略意图和政策目标是在从地缘政治、经济、安全等多个方面实施对中国的战略包围,这不仅使中日两国关系变得更为复杂,也必将危及东亚地区的和平、安全与稳定。然而,对华政策又是决定日本外交成败的关键,中日之间的结构性问题是长期的,决定了中日关系将长期在曲折反复中前行,中日领导人之间的机制性定期会晤,将有助于中日战略互惠关系的发展。     

中美东亚冲突管控:第三方的角色与选择

第三方在中美东亚博弈中发挥着特殊的作用,其政策选择对于管控中美冲突具有重要的意义。根据主要国际关系理论的逻辑推演,第三方通过在一定条件下的选边站、推动制度构建和协调、促进双方间良性认知,能够在管控中美冲突方面发挥一定的作用。在国际社会仍处于无政府状态以及国家间实力对比总是处于变化之中的背景下,基于实力考虑的"选边站"政策容易导致新的安全问题,第三方在中美间扮演制度推动者和观念沟通者的角色更加值得倡导,东盟系列机制以及新加坡的实践提供了这方面的经验与教训。当前的问题是,日、韩等国对与美同盟体系的坚持,东盟系列机制效能的降低以及新加坡一度将重心转移到实力平衡者而非观念沟通者的角色,都反映出许多东亚第三方的选择正在与管控中美冲突的目标背道而驰。为了地区的和平与自己的长远利益,东亚国家需要采取更加明智和有远见的政策。     

'Golf ball diplomacy': Richard Nixon and Japan, 1969-74

Nixon was one of the first American politicians to advocate the building of a strong US-Japan economic alliance and the Nixon administration laid the foundation for the healthy post-Vietnam dialogue that the Carter and Reagan administrations cultivated with Tokyo. This article examines that foundation, and its contribution to the general post-World War II US-Japan relationship. Vietnam changed America, and it even changed the way a once arch-cold warrior, Nixon, viewed the significance of US-Japan relations. After years of Washington's scoffing at or ignoring Japanese interests, this American 'discovery' of Japan was an important development in itself. Hence, this article also examines a relationship in transition which, for Nixon's America, was an important first step in the construction of a post-Vietnam view of Asian/Pacific cooperation.     

Regionalism in Asia as Disguised Multilateralism: A Critical Analysis of the East Asia Summit and the Trans-Pacific Partnership

Revolving around the concept of ‘Community’ or ‘community’, debate on an Asian region has ostensibly pitted those who proposed an entity limited to East Asia (China, Japan, South Korea and the ten countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations, ASEAN) against those who proposed a much wider region embracing India, North (and, perhaps, South) America, as well as Australasia. Previously these two conceptualisations possessed their eponymous translation in the East Asian Economic Caucus (reincarnated as ASEAN+3) and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. However, with the creation in 2005 of the East Asian Summit to include India, Australia and New Zealand and, above all, its 2011 enlargement to include the United States and Russia, the contrast between the two conceptualisations of an Asian region has become confused. In order to explain this development, this article suggests that the language of ‘region’ or ‘community’ is a discursive smokescreen disguising changes in approaches to multilateralism. An examination of the East Asia Summit, contrasting it with another recent regional project, the Trans Pacific Partnership, suggests that the actors involved are seeking to ensure the primacy of individual nation states in intergovernmental multilateral relations.     

奥巴马政府东亚政策的调整及中国的应对

对东亚政策的调整是奥巴马政府外交政策调整的主要方面。调整的内容包括,巩固与东亚盟国的关系,重视发展与东盟及东南亚国家的关系,而调整与中国政策的关系,无疑是美国东亚政策的核心。奥巴马政府对东亚政策的调整给中国外交政策带来了挑战,但如果处理得当,机遇明显大于挑战:美国东亚政策的调整可以促进中国推动国际秩序朝着更加公正合理方向发展的实践和规则的制定;为中美合作创造拓展更多的领域、提供更多的机会,特别是在非传统安全领域;也有利于中美关系的未来协调发展。     

Strategic considerations in the US–China relationship and the role of European soft power

This paper analyses strategic considerations within the conceptual, the policy and the systemic dimension of US–Sino relations. Furthermore, the role of the EU’s soft power in the context of US–China relations will be assessed. It will be argued that current US–China relations are mainly a function of the current US foreign policy towards China, which doesn’t take into account that an engagement policy towards China needs to be paralleled by an engagement policy towards the East Asian region. A functional equivalent of the EU’s soft power and its approach of bilateral and multilateral engagement of East Asian actors is a missing element in US–China relations. The thinking on China affairs in the USA can be broadly structured into two different schools of thought. On the one side there are those who favour an engagement policy vis-à-vis China. The engagement school argues that bilateral and multilateral cooperation with China needs to be intensified. Traditionally members of this school are found in the Department of State and the Bureau of the US Trade Representative. On the other side there are those who think of China as a threat that needs to be contained. The politicians and experts that belong to the threat school (e.g. in the Heritage Foundation and the American Enterprise Institute) emphasize their fears of China’s future role on the regional and global level. Though China has supported the US’s “war on terrorism” after the attacks of 9/11, Beijing’s increasing military budget, its neglect of non-proliferation agreements (e.g. in its relations with Pakistan) and its behaviour within the Six-Party Talks are taken as examples of the China threat. Security policies do not solely determine the relationship between the USA and China. The US China policy is a function of both the US’s economic and security interests. This explains why Washington follows a dual policy of simultaneous engagement and containment, i.e. a policy of hedged engagement. But the current state of affair of the Sino–US relationship does not reflect the rise of China as a de facto hegemon of an East Asian community. It is the inherent danger of the current US China policy that the missing regional component in US–China relations could facilitate the formation of a fortress Asia. Since Beijing holds the key to Asian regionalism, China should be the main target of European soft power in Asia by exporting the principles of regionalism and multilateralism to Asia. To what extent the EU and its model of intraregional cooperation and integration can influence the objective and trajectory of Asian regionalism will demonstrate partly the extent of Europe’s soft power in the international system.

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近20年来台湾对印尼的投资

本文以台湾所推动的南向政策为一观察点,探讨近20年来台湾在印尼的投资情形,认为亚洲金融危机爆发后,由于印尼政局不稳和排华暴动,台商蒙受了巨大损失,对印尼的投资急剧衰退,印尼不再是台商南向的最佳选择。     

"一带一路"倡议下中国与南亚国家跨境征信合作研究

"一带一路"倡议提出以来,中国与南亚国家的经贸往来和投融资发展迅速。但中国与南亚国家间合作主体的信息不对称、金融机构间信用信息共享机制的缺乏,增加了经贸往来和投融资的交易成本,降低了合作的效率,迫切需要建立中国与南亚国家的跨境征信合作以共享各国的征信信息,促进经贸往来和投融资的便利化。本文客观分析中国与南亚跨境征信合作的必要性和可能性,系统总结合作可能面临的挑战和障碍,提出中国与南亚跨境征信合作的实现路径。     

Foreign Policy and its People: Transforming the Apartheid Department of Foreign Affairs

Just as apartheid was ending, South Africa’s foreign relations witnessed a massive expansion. However, the Department of Foreign Affairs that was to manage this change found itself undergoing institutional transformations of both personnel and ideology. Studies on South African foreign policy have mostly neglected this transformation, which has had a considerable influence on the content and direction of South African foreign policy. In discussing this seldom-studied issue, this analysis unearths the discussions and debates that took place between various stakeholders to bring about transformation in the Department. In doing so, it argues that two different cultures of diplomacy came together in forming the new Department of Foreign Affairs. These cultures have had a significant impact on the thrust and direction of post-apartheid South Africa foreign policy.