试论越南外交中的地缘政治因素

地缘政治理论产生后 ,经历了历史性的兴衰演变 ,国内外学术界在对此理论研究的过程中 ,对其涵义及作用长期以来争议不己。但是 ,无论对其肯定或否定 ,“各国的外交家、政治家和政府官员从来都没有因为地缘政治学的声名狼藉而放弃使用地缘政治学的分析方法”。[1] 不仅美国与苏联 (俄罗斯 )等全球性的大国在谋求霸权的过程中 ,要充分考虑到地缘政治因素 ,而且 ,像越南这样相对较小的国家 ,地缘政治也是其制定国家战略、调整对外政策的极为重要的依据。事实上 ,越南特殊的地缘政治环境在很大程度上决定了越南国家战略与外交政策的选择。而通过…     

“退向未来”:冷战后德国地缘政治思想刍议

冷战结束后,德国当代部分地缘政治学者从重新研读德国传统地缘政治学文献入手,力图求证德国地缘政治学与纳粹意识形态之间存在的根本不同,探讨德国传统地缘政治逻辑方法与概念命题的当代价值,并在此基础上提出了包括放弃融入西方政策、重回中部视角、重视东方战略等在内的政策建议。冷战后德国的地缘政治思想依然是德国传统地缘政治研究方法及其多文本表述的延续,它基本没有克服德国传统地缘政治思想存在的诸多缺陷,对德国外交政策制定的影响力亦是有限与隐性的。此外,德国当代地缘政治研究在精神上与冷战后德国及欧洲的新右翼政治势力联系较为紧密。     

地缘政治视角下中国的援越抗法抉择

第二次世界大战以后,新中国加入苏联主导的社会主义阵营,并作出了援越抗法的战略抉择.从地缘政治视角来看,此战略决策主要建立在中国与周边国家的地缘利益基础上,与二战以后逐步形成的全球与地区层面的地缘政治体系也有极大关系.     

地缘政治、国际体系变迁与德国外交战略的选择

地缘政治、国际体系与国家对外战略的相关性不言而喻,而对德国外交战略的影响特别显著.1871年以来的德国外交战略可以划分为三个时期:一是俾斯麦时期,二是威廉二世和希特勒时期,三是冷战时期.研究德国外交战略与地缘政治、国际体系的关系,既有利于我们认识德国重新统一后外交战略的趋势,也有利于为我国外交战略的选择提供有益的借鉴和启示.     

地缘政治和俄国的地位

何谓地缘政治 地缘政治作为一门科学理论出现于十九世纪末,创始人为以拉塞尔为首的德国政治地理学派继承人瑞典的切伦。此外,美国的迈亨将军和英国地理学家马金德也是公认的地缘政治学鼻祖。而地缘政治在当时的日本和魏玛共和国受到广泛研究,作为实现日、德扩张野心的理论基础。慕尼黑学院的地缘政治学家华斯豪弗及其同僚的著作是纳粹和“第三帝国”意识形态和政策的理论基础,因此二战后     

北约东扩:历史地理规律的延续?

北约东扩是“冷战”后欧洲地缘政治变化的主要事件 ,它已取得了令人瞩目的进展。北约东扩有着久远的地缘政治理论根基 ,马汉的“海权论”、麦金德的“陆权论”以及历史上德国的战争地缘政治学和法国的地缘政治学理论无不包含了对欧洲权力意义的论证。本文旨在通过对“海权论”、“陆权论”及德国、法国地缘政治理论中“东进”的主张和新地缘政治学中欧洲联合思想的剖析 ,探究北约东扩的历史地理规律。     

从地缘政治角度看冷战后中韩关系

本文从地缘政治的角度分析了冷战后中韩关系的变化及产生变化的原因，探讨了美国因素对于中韩两国地缘政治关系的影响，并对中韩两目的地缘政治需求与选择作了必要的说明。     

对现代海上丝路建设的地缘安全认知

现代海上丝路建设因交通走势、地理目标、节点重点和产能合作等地理意向,带来了地缘安全上复杂的感知、考验和挑战。从问题导向来看,其内部考验来自东海、南海和台湾问题,兼及陆海统筹、区域协调、边海与远洋护航等,其外部挑战有地缘安全知觉与政治互信、点线选择与区域联通、利益关切与力量匹配、安全困境与民心相通等问题。在现代海上丝路建设中妥善处理上述地缘安全问题,需要科学评估地缘条件和力量,切实遵循地理地缘法则,量时度力相机而行,重用人才发挥智能,协同海陆空天网运行,培育民心相向与文化认同。     

“地缘政治欧洲”:欧盟力量的地缘政治转向?

新一届欧盟委员会明确将自己定位为“地缘政治欧委会”,预示着欧盟对外政策出现地缘政治转向,“地缘政治欧洲”或将成为欧盟力量的新标签。“地缘政治欧洲”的定位,是对此前欧盟作为“民事力量”“规范力量”和“联系力量”的补充和修正。基于对自身地缘敏感性与脆弱性的新认知,加强欧盟在地缘政治世界中的力量已成为欧洲政治精英的共识。“地缘政治欧洲”包含内外双层地缘结构,不仅要加强军事力量,向陆权倾斜,还要巩固内部堡垒,强化欧洲地缘政治参与者的主体性与空间性,工具化欧盟经济力量,加大数字与技术、基础设施领域的竞争。中国应重视“地缘政治欧洲”的回归,主动调整对欧方略,推动中欧战略对接。     

上海合作组织对于中国的地缘政治意义

上海合作组织的成立为我国构建稳定的中亚地缘政治提供了一个很好的合作平台,从地缘政治角度来看,上海合作组织对中国推动多极化世界格局的进程、与其他成员国合作建立区域安全体系,以及利用和开发中亚重要的战略资源和市场都具有重要的意义。     

Whatever happened to the rare earths weapon? Critical materials and international security in Asia

In 2008, rare earth minerals (REMs) shot to the top of the international agenda. When China began restricting exports of these critical materials, many claimed it was threatening a “REMs weapon” against the US and Japan. Yet by 2014, the crisis had quickly abated, as China shelved its policies in the face of pressure from consumer governments. This article examines why REMs emerged – and then quickly disappeared – as a threat to international security in Asia. It first conceptualizes the geopolitics of critical materials, before analyzing the politics of the REMs crisis between Japan, China, and the US. It argues that China’s ability to use REMs for diplomatic coercion was inherently weak and is unlikely to pose a similar threat to international security in future years.     

中国和平崛起与新时期对外关系--访哈佛大学中国基金会主席柯伟林教授?

美国著名的中国历史学家柯伟林教授对当前中国经济发展、中国梦、中国的地缘政治及新时期对外关系提出了一些很重要的见解。柯伟林认为，中国经济一直是在全球化和国际化的背景下向前发展，中国的地理位置可以让它经济上和平崛起，未来中国经济能够引领全球经济发展。实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦必须立足于20世纪中国发展的基础之上。就地缘政治而言，当前中国正处于现代史上最有利的战略地位，中美关系是世界上最重要的双边关系，双方在一些重要领域要坚持合作。     

Russia and the Kurds: A Soft-Power Tool for the Kremlin?

Russia has been the Kurds’ patron for more than two centuries, motivated primarily by the cynical desire to use them against adversaries in broader great-power games while casting itself as a champion of the Kurdish cause. Russia's longstanding and multifaceted relationship with the Kurds demonstrates that when it comes to geopolitics, the United States has more than brute force to contend with. The Russian state also utilizes soft power as an authoritarian state defines it: a tool of pragmatic leverage. While the Kurds are not a monolith, they are anxious about the trajectory of US politics and feel they cannot rely on anyone. The Russian state has opportunities to undermine American interests in places such as Syria and Iraq through its connections with Kurdish groups. This article reviews tsarist, Soviet, and post-Soviet policies toward the Kurds, including Kurdish communities in Russia. It concludes with a discussion about implications for the United States, given that Moscow will not let go of its Kurdish card, including in the context of the Ukraine invasion.     

Historical Everyday Geopolitics on the Chile-Peru Border

Geopolitics is increasingly seen by scholars as occurring in everyday spaces and performed by ordinary people. This paper extends this idea to historical work to examine how citizens themselves (re)produce geopolitics at the time of historical events. It does so through a case study of geopolitical tension on the Chile-Peru border in the 1970s. Through oral histories and newspaper analysis, a historical everyday geopolitics approach reveals how those living in the Chilean border city of Arica played a part in promoting national and border security. This centres the embodied and emotional experiences of those affected by violence and conflict.     

The strategic depth doctrine of Turkish foreign policy

Turkey's heavy involvement in Middle Eastern politics following the end of the Cold War eroded its Western image in the eyes of most Europeans and strengthened the hands of those who have traditionally argued against Turkey's EU membership by referring to the unbridgeable inherent differences between the parties in terms of cultural, historical, religious, and geographical considerations.     

IMPERIAL DESIGNS

For a very short period after the attacks on 9/11, as the United States bombarded Taliban positions and the alleged training camps of Osama bin Laden's al-Qaida organization, Afghanistan was center stage. Then, as the mundane mopping up, the political haggling, and the international community's efforts to manage the postwar mess took over, the spotlight turned to Iraq. Yet even while Afghan landscapes, politics, and economic and social practices were the focus of the world's attention, the country's history and its place in Central Asia and in the wider realm of Asian and global geopolitics were little covered by the media. This essay outlines how Afghanistan has figured in the imperial designs of regional and international powers for more than two thousand years. From the Mongol invasions of the “civilized” world in the thirteenth century to the U.S. intervention just after the turn of the second millennium CE., the “deep” political history of Afghanistan is described with a view to “locating” the country in a wider political-economic context. Afghanistan's relationship to the great regional empires of Persia, India, and China in the late medieval and early modern periods is discussed, as is its role in “the Great Game” of imperial politics between Russia and British India during the nineteenth century. The regional impact of the Russian Revolution and of efforts to consolidate the USSR are described, as is the rising nationalism and Islamism of the peoples of the region during the final years of the Soviet Union. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and the longer term implications of U.S. support for the mujahiddin – support that ironically contributed to the movement that gave rise to al-Qaida -- are analyzed as the final episodes before 9/11 and the recent dramatic U.S. military and political intervention.     

Representative institutions among contemporary American Indian tribal societies

SUMMARY

In this article Rebecca Starr examines how a broad political consensus was maintained in the politics of South Carolina during the difficult transitional period that followed the gaining of independence. The colony's legislature had been firmly controlled by an oligarchy of planter and merchant families from the coastal plain, and centred in Charleston. Even before the revolution there had been tensions emerging between the oligarchy and the inhabitants of the developing up-country settlements, who had reason to feel that they were being neglected and excluded from representation. The article explains how the oligarchy succeeded in sustaining consensus, while preserving its own ultimate hegemony over the politics of the new state. This was done mainly by a skilful use of committee and petitioning procedures to neutralize and conciliate the potentially divisive political challenges from the up-country. These tactics enabled the oligarchy to maintain its grip on power until the economic development of the decades after independence generated a renewed planter oligarchy which transcended the old geographical divisions and provided a solid foundation for a new consensus in South Carolina politics that held good until the Civil War.     

Ethnicity and capital: Changing relations between China and Southeast Asia

This article seeks to debunk the persistent myth of an ethnically-based Chinese capitalism and the culturalist view of an “economic miracle” created by Asians of Chinese descent. This myth claims that Chinese entrepreneurs constitute a closed category with homogenous ethnic attributes and cultural values that have enabled them to achieve economic success. This article disputes such primordialist views and proposes an alternative analysis of the cultural economy of regionalisation and constructions of Chineseness. It deconstructs the politics of culture and identity, and argues for the need to analyse Southeast Asian Chinese entrepreneurship within specific historical, geographical, economic, political and socio-cultural contexts.