古共"六大"与古巴经济模式的"更新"

自1959年初革命胜利以来,古巴的社会主义经济发展模式经历了几次变化.革命胜利后初期,古巴进行了一系列经济社会民主改革,并很快开始进行社会主义建设.20世纪70年代初,古巴采用了苏联社会主义的发展模式,并同苏联东欧实行经济一体化.80年代后期和90年代初东欧剧变和苏联解体后,古巴调整了经济模式,通过变革开放,坚持社会主义.进入21世纪以来,特别是自2008年劳尔·卡斯特罗接替菲德尔·卡斯特罗担任古巴国务委员会主席和部长会议主席以来,古巴进一步调整了社会主义经济发展的模式,采取了一些称之为"更新"经济模式的变革措施.古巴的社会主义经济建设取得了显著成就,但也面临不少问题和挑战.2011年4月古共"六大"的召开和"六大"所通过的<党和革命的经济和社会政策纲要>将对古巴经济和社会模式的"更新"起指导和推动作用.     

转型经济运行特征的新探索——《经济转型的阶段性演化与相对市场化进程研究》评介

20世纪80年代末90年代初,苏联东欧社会主义国家纷纷开始了从中央计划经济向市场经济的转型.面对转型初期的困境,各转型国家迫切需要一种合适的经济理论范式来指导经济转型进程,实践的需求催生了转型经济学这一全新的学科.     

卡斯特罗和古巴的社会主义实践

卡斯特罗和古巴的社会主义实践徐世澄在距世界头号资本主义强国美国只有９０海里的加勒比海上，屹立着西半球惟一的社会主义国家古巴。自１９５９年古巴革命胜利以来，无论是美国长期的经济封锁、贸易禁运、派遣雇佣军入侵，还是８０年代末、９０年代初东欧剧变和苏联解体...     

古巴社会主义经济建设与发展

1959年古巴革命胜利后,逐步建立了社会主义经济体制.到苏东剧变前的30年间,在面对美国封锁的不利条件下,古巴的社会主义经济建设仍然获得了发展,取得了一些难能可贵的成就.20世纪90年代初苏东剧变后,古巴陷入极端困难的境地,进入"和平时期的特殊阶段".1994年以来,古巴经济状况逐步好转,已经走出苏东剧变导致的极端困难时期.经过50年的经济建设,古巴从中央集权计划经济逐渐转变为古巴特色的社会主艾经济,经济和外贸结构也从单一向多元化方向发展.     

苏联解体亲历者的回忆与反思——评《苏联解体:二十年后的回忆与反思》

20世纪80年代末90年代初,苏联东欧地区的政治剧变使世界上共产党执政的社会主义国家数量锐减,世界社会主义运动遭受严重挫折。如今苏联解体已经20余年,但国内外在有关"苏联解体原因和后果"等问题上的争论仍十分激烈。苏东剧变是一面很好的镜子。为保持共产党的长期执政地位和维护国家的长治久安,我们有必要深入总结苏共失败的历史教训,从正反两个方面总结共产党"掌好     

新的角度新的思考--评《强制性制度变迁-"俄罗斯转轨之谜"的经济学分析》

20世纪80年代末90年代初,东欧剧变,苏联解体.随后,一比原来实行计划经济的社会主义国家开始走上了面向市场的经济转轨之路.从那时起,探讨由计划经济向场经济过渡的规律,即对经济转轨问题的研究便成为各国经济学界十分关注和跟踪研究的一个跨世纪、跨国界的重世课题.正因为如此,近十年来,在国际学术界逐渐兴起了一个新的学科 "转轨经济学",或称"过渡经济学".     

苏联学者对西伯利亚地区十月革命的研究

1917年十月革命开辟了人类历史的新纪元，然而，20世纪80年代末、90年代初东欧剧变、苏联解体等一系列事件的发生，导致国际共产主义运动进入了低谷。随着中国、越南等社会主义国家的改革、发展与崛起，再次激发了学者研究十月革命史的热情。     

气候变化与粮食安全问题研究综述

从粮食安全的角度关注气候变化始于20世纪80年代,具体可分为两个阶段：一是20世纪80年代至90年代初,主要是地区和国别研究,重点研究气候变化对某地区或国家农业生产的影响;二是20世纪90年代初至今,主要为系统性研究,研究重心转向全球气候变化对世界粮食安全的整体影响。气候变化和粮食安全两者相互影响,紧密关联。     

我的治学生涯--从撰写《古巴社会主义研究》一书谈起

《古巴社会主义研究》一书经过数年的努力终于同读者见面了。为了使大家更好地了解本书,有必要在这里简单地说说撰写此书的背景和过程。本课题作为国家社会科学规划项目是1998年5月立项的,当时我已退休7年了。为什么在67岁时我还要申请这一较难的研究课题呢?事情还得从1978年拉美所恢复说起。我从中联部返所后就被分配从事古巴和加勒比地区问题的研究。80年代,世界社会主义运动相当活跃,亚洲和欧洲的社会主义国家先后开始改革进程,古巴也出现新的形势。这一时期、特别是在80年代末,我几乎把全部精力投入到对古巴的研究中,并自那时起开始跟踪…     

20世纪墨西哥外交政策的演变

一个国家的外交政策的原则反映了对这个国家的国际地位和根本利益的认知。墨西哥外交政策的演变大致分为以下三个阶段:(1)20世纪70年代以前,墨西哥政府采取比较被动的、防御性的外交政策,其重心是维护国家安全和主权。这一时期外交政策的突出特点是以墨美关系为核心,较少与西半球以外的国家发生联系。(2)从70年代到80年代初期,墨西哥的对外关系逐渐走出孤立状态,外交上摈弃了过去的防御性政策,转为更加积极地介入国际事务,提倡第三世界的团结,最突出的表现是强烈的多元化色彩。(3)80年代中期以来的墨西哥外交政策的重心逐渐转向经济领域,其政治色彩趋于淡化,突破了外交政策传统的界限,对国家安全予以新的解释,这与全球化进程的深入发展密切相关。     

The Limits of Populist Diplomacy: Fidel Castro's April 1959 Trip to North America

This article asks what lessons about diplomacy can be drawn from Fidel Castro's April 1959 trip to the United States and Canada, a trip long neglected by historians as an aberration in US–Cuban relations because of its apparent public relations success. The trip's meaning, rather, lies in the populist style Castro practiced to circumvent normal protocol, and more importantly in the failure of that populism to sway not only US foreign policy makers but also the US public. Based on comprehensive media and archival research and of interviews in Cuba and the United States, this is the first ever article-length treatment of this diplomatic visit. It helps to understand not only the US–Cuba divide that soon followed Castro's trip but also the limited potential of a populist diplomacy.     

The Limits of Populist Diplomacy: Fidel Castro's April 1959 Trip to North America

This article asks what lessons about diplomacy can be drawn from Fidel Castro's April 1959 trip to the United States and Canada, a trip long neglected by historians as an aberration in US-Cuban relations because of its apparent public relations success. The trip's meaning, rather, lies in the populist style Castro practiced to circumvent normal protocol, and more importantly in the failure of that populism to sway not only US foreign policy makers but also the US public. Based on comprehensive media and archival research and of interviews in Cuba and the United States, this is the first ever article-length treatment of this diplomatic visit. It helps to understand not only the US-Cuba divide that soon followed Castro's trip but also the limited potential of a populist diplomacy.     

古巴—美国关系50年四题

古巴革命是美国与古巴双边关系历史的重要转折点,美国对古巴革命及其后续发展的反应和政策则是冷战环境中美国战略思想的典型表露.全球冷战终结并没有改变古美之间的冷战式关系,凸显了美国政策的单边主义性质、意识形态色彩和国内政治主导倾向.     

The Confluence of Domestic and International Interests: U.S. Policy Toward Cuba, 1998–2001

This article examines the confluence of forces at work to shape U.S. policy toward Cuba since the late 1990s. Our approach examines four key factors involved in policymaking toward Cuba in this period: (1) the entry of new interest groups into the Cuba policy process and an "entrepreneurial" Congress; (2) the executive's constitutionally based interests; (3) bureaucratic interests; and (4) pressure from outside the United States. We examine U.S.–Cuba policy by describing each determinant in isolation and then by looking at the dynamic interaction among them, showing how they are linked together. In doing so, we argue that an analysis including multiple factors better explains U.S. policy toward Cuba than one that focuses on a single factor such as the power of the Cuban-American community.     

Just How Special is “Special”: Britain,Cuba, and US Relations 1958–2008 an Overview

In June 2008, despite intense lobbying from the Bush administration, the Council of Ministers of the European Union lifted the diplomatic sanctions on Havana that it had imposed in 2003 and agreed to resume a “comprehensive political dialogue” with the revolutionary regime. Instrumental in this decision was a change in policy by the UK that had hitherto stood against such a normalisation of relations. The move came as a surprise to many who had anticipated that the British would oppose the lifting of sanctions in deference to their “special relationship” with their transatlantic ally. However, as this overview suggests, the UK decision was not unusual. Even from the earliest days of the revolution, the UK has differed with the US over Cuba. By surveying the five decades of the UK–Cuba relationship since 1959 the article explains how the UK has maintained an ambivalent attitude towards Washington's embargo. While recognising US primacy of interest in Cuba, London has consistently attempted to follow an independent policy that at times has come between the close allies. It concludes that although the UK (along with other European partners and Canada) shares the US goal of seeing the end of Communism on the island, it has ironically helped to thwart this ambition. The history of the relationship provides an example of the limitations of unilateral economic sanctions as policy instruments. The failure of the US embargo to affect the behaviour of the Castro regime should be no surprise when Washington's closest ally has never fully agreed to it.     

“Ultimate Destiny” Delayed: The Liberals,the Organization of American States,and Canadian Foreign Policy, 1963–1968

Until Canada joined in 1990, the issue of its membership in the Organisation of American States bedevilled Canadian foreign policy, which many observers saw as a decisive test of Ottawa’s interest in Latin America. Under the Liberal government of Lester Pearson, prime minister from 1963 to 1968, and the stewardship of his secretary of state for External Affairs, Paul Martin, Canada seemed poised to join OAS. But a mixture of foreign and domestic factors—including American intervention in the Dominican Republic, Cuba’s isolation within the hemisphere, and growing Canadian nationalism—ruined this initiative. Using the Pearson government’s policy toward the OAS as a lens through which to explore the direction of Canadian foreign relations in the 1960s, this analysis also examines competing views of Canada’s place in the world.     

50 Years of a Complex but Positive Relationship: Cuba–Canada Relations 1959–2009

The government of Fidel Castro has over this long period maintained correct if not always warm relations with a country which could have been considered one of the least likely to have been in such a position. In 1959 Canada was in a political situation of seemingly exceptional dominance by the United States of its foreign policy and economy. That dependence, in the view of many, has grown even firmer over the last half-century. Yet the relationship between Cuba and Canada, far from flagging, has prospered even though not without headaches as well as ups and downs. This connection is rightly considered extraordinary, but the basic elements of it have remained constant over the years and explain why it has at times flourished and rarely been put in question. The key factor here is that the maintenance of the relationship has always been at least to some degree of mutual advantage for both the states and, in the case of Canada, for the governing party of the time. Other elements come to light as one makes an overview of the fifty years of the relationship but the bedrock of mutual advantage remains present throughout.     

Immigration,refugees, and foreign policy

The author first notes that mass movements of people across international boundaries, whether voluntary or forced, are increasingly becoming topics for international concern. In particular, the late 1970s and early 1980s have seen a series of migration crises with powerful foreign policy implications. The policy consequences of these international migration movements are considered, with particular reference to U.S. policy.     

Defending the Nation: The Role of Nationalism in Chinese Thinking on Human Rights

This article examines the symbiotic relationship between Chinese thinking on human rights and Chinese nationalism. It analyses the three key periods in the Chinese discourse on human rights: late Qing, Republican, and post-Mao. In each case, discussions of rights have often (but not always) taken place within a wider debate about the protection of China's national interests from foreign infringement, although the nature of the foreign infringement has changed over time. During the late Qing debate, with China increasingly threatened by foreign military imperialism, scholars argued enthusiastically for the introduction of a new system of democratic rights as a vital tool of national resistance. During the Republican era that followed, the threat from outside remained the same. However by now many theorists had grown disillusioned with democracy and rights, believing that the only way China could withstand further foreign encroachments was to withhold rights from its people. In the post-Mao debate on rights, the interests of the nation are again at the fore. But with China now an emerging rather than a collapsing power, rights are often analysed – at least from an official perspective – within the context of cultural rather than military imperialism, the new ‘threat’ from abroad. The article then examines the views of China's ‘non-official’ rights thinkers, most of whom tend to be much less affected by nationalist concerns and ends with an assessment of the prospects for democracy and rights in China.