共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
2.
3.
Benjamin Varat 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):96-124
This article argues that the Franco–American antagonism of the 1960s, which culminated with France's partial withdrawal from NATO in 1966, stems from French president Charles de Gaulle's decision in the aftermath of the failed May 1960 Paris Summit to radically redirect French foreign policy away from its post-World War Two Atlantic orientation to a more European one. By linking the failed summit to de Gaulle's new perception of the Cold War, this article moves de Gaulle scholarship away from interpretations of his foreign policy as the product of anti-Americanism or an anachronistic vision of French power to an understanding rooted in his recognition that the changing dynamics of the Cold War required the Western Europeans to reduce their military dependence on the United States. Since American leaders would never willingly relinquish their dominant position in European security affairs, de Gaulle's new design almost ensured a rising Franco–American tension. 相似文献
4.
《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2006,17(4):853-870
The British and French held divergent views from the late 1940s on relations with the United States and on the development of European integration. Differences between the two countries caused particular strain once General Charles de Gaulle returned to power in 1958. The clash that ensued between British and French policies towards the Atlantic Alliance and Europe during his presidency is the subject of this article. It suggests that while the British were unable to overcome de Gaulle's resistance to their membership of the EEC, Britain's fortunes in Europe were nevertheless improved by the Wilson government's response to de Gaulle's actions in the Atlantic Alliance. 相似文献
5.
6.
阿尔·戈尔(Al Gore)是美国著名政治家,曾出任克林顿时期的副总统,并在2000年作为民主党候选人与小布什角逐总统,但这些政绩并非是其声名鹤起的原因,他对美国乃至当今世界最重要的贡献是他系统的环保思想.在奥巴马当选总统后,戈尔的环保理念将可能更加受到关注. 相似文献
7.
8.
9.
2003年中国同拉丁美洲贸易情况 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
贸易总额中国出口额中国进口额比上年增长(% )进出口出口进口拉丁美洲2 6 80 6 4 4 1 1 8791 31 4 92 730 5 0 .4 2 5 .2 79.1安提瓜和巴布达31 2 31 2 5 .6 5 .6 1 0 0 .0阿根廷31 76 4 2 4 4 72 6 2 72 91 6 1 2 2 .91 4 1 .31 2 0 .2巴哈马1 2 2 5 1 1 2 1 72 78.1 94 .7 93.6 1 2 36 .2巴巴多斯92 2 91 7 4 .5 1 1 .1 1 0 .4 6 5 .0伯利兹1 1 1 6 1 0 1 7 98.82 1 .2 1 2 .4 5 1 9.8玻利维亚1 872 1 1 84 6 88 1 3.5 2 3.9 4 3.1巴西79885 6 2 1 4 4 76 5 84 380 78.7 4 6 .394 .6智利35 2 80 5 1 2 8347 2 2 4 4 5 837.5 2 8.6 … 相似文献
10.
Dimitri Mitropoulos 《Negotiation Journal》1999,15(3):229-244
Bush and Folger (1994) in The Promise of Mediation articulated distinctions between Individualist and Relational ideology, and linked them to specific theoretical orientations to mediation practice, problem-solving and transformative, respectively. Yet, a question persists as to whether these distinctions produce any material differences in practice. This question is approached here through an examination of a single construct in the mediation literature, empathy. The author proposes that the Individualist and Relational ideological frameworks have material implications for the concept and the practice of fostering empathy between the parties to a mediation: The problem-solving framework fosters a social interaction which can be understood as transactional empathy while the transformative framework fosters an interaction described as relational empathy. 相似文献
11.
Chris WJ Roberts 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2015,28(2):283-307
Since 2010, many African governments have challenged twenty years of extractive sector liberalization that has played a key role in unlocking mineral riches and attracting foreign direct investment. The potential for extractives to drive economic structural transformation is intuitively attractive, the Africa Mining Vision (2009) document providing a primary template. Geological inheritance alone, however, is not a panacea for economic development, industrialization or poverty alleviation. While much attention to the ‘resource curse’ has identified the problem of excessive rent-seeking and the consequent impact on elite consolidation, democracy, governance and macroeconomic distortions, a more fundamental problem, the ‘other resource curse’, may be an overlooked driver: a lingering assumption that mineral resources should straightforwardly provide significant revenue streams for public goods, inputs for industrial transformation, and extensive employment. Geology alone is neither conducive nor antithetical to economic development. Stakeholders require a more comprehensive understanding of the possibilities and limits of extractives in contemporary Africa. 相似文献
12.
13.
Raphael Israeli 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):462-475
The Muslim movement in Israel has been growing in leaps and bounds since the 1980s and has deeply affected the socio‐political fabric of the Arab minority in Israel. These Arabs, who are leaning more and more towards the Islamic movement, are thus protesting both against Israeli society and politics, and against the Socialist propensities of the Communist Party which has reflected their concerns since Israel was founded in 1948. The Islamic movement, which has taken over so far, six mayorships in Arab‐Israeli villages and townships, has revolutionized society in those localities mobilizing the masses, instilling in them a new sense of identity and purpose and uniting them behind Islamic and national goals. 相似文献
14.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):285-308
A wide variety of factors from individual personality to world system structure have been investigated as “causes of war.” These levels of analysis have remained relatively isolated and unrelated. A theory of context is developed for interpreting and integrating various levels of analysis into one coherent model. The implications for indicator construction, research design and theorizing of the concept of context are discussed using examples from the literature on international conflict. 相似文献
15.
埃莲娜·卡尔普·德托莱多 《拉丁美洲研究》2004,(3):16-19
秘鲁是一个有古老文明的国家 ,有着丰富的文化和多样性生物资源。但是 ,今天的秘鲁人民并未因自己国家拥有丰富的资源而富裕起来 ,而大企业和大公司却在利用秘鲁的生物资源、原生资源和秘鲁人民世世代代积累下来的传统知识大发横财。秘鲁政府已经做出决定 ,坚决制止任何对生物资源、基因资源及相关传统知识的掠夺。秘鲁政府的任务是铲除贫困 ,建设更加人道和包容的社会。本文系秘鲁共和国第一夫人埃莲娜·卡尔普·德托莱多博士 (ElianeKarpdeToledo) 2 0 0 3年 1 0月 2 8日在中国社会科学院所作的关于生物多样性和秘鲁贫困的报告。 相似文献
16.
Richard Sakwa 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2013,26(1):203-224
In 1989–1991 the geo-ideological contestation between two blocs was swept away, together with the ideology of civil war and its concomitant Cold War played out on the larger stage. Paradoxically, while the domestic sources of Cold War confrontation have been transcended, its external manifestations remain in the form of a ‘legacy’ geopolitical contest between the dominant hegemonic power (the United States) and a number of potential rising great powers, of which Russia is one. The post-revolutionary era is thus one of a ‘cold peace’. A cold peace is a mimetic cold war. In other words, while a cold war accepts the logic of conflict in the international system and between certain protagonists in particular, a cold peace reproduces the behavioural patterns of a cold war but suppresses acceptance of the logic of behaviour. A cold peace is accompanied by a singular stress on notions of victimhood for some and undigested and bitter victory for others. The perceived victim status of one set of actors provides the seedbed for renewed conflict, while the ‘victory’ of the others cannot be consolidated in some sort of relatively unchallenged post-conflict order. The ‘universalism’ of the victors is now challenged by Russia's neo-revisionist policy, including not so much the defence of Westphalian notions of sovereignty but the espousal of an international system with room for multiple systems (the Schmittean pluriverse). 相似文献
17.
18.
An environmental health scientist and mediator was appointed for the first time as a special master to oversee cleanup of a hazardous waste site in California. The case analysis examines the creative assimilation of Integra-live/mutual gains bargaining (mediation) into a distributive/zero-sum bargaining construct (litigation). The special master played multiple, overlapping, and conflicting roles as the case unfolded. The interfaces and tensions of these roles produced a hybrid style of dispute resolution, termed mediation-negotiation by the author. 相似文献
19.
Ralph E. Dowling 《政治交往》2013,30(2):129-150
Studies of political communication and persuasion typically focus on deliberately persuasive communications of political actors. Contemporary rhetorical theories suggest the importance of rhetorical examinations of a range of communications not normally considered rhetorical/persuasive, including media news reports. Bormann's fantasy‐theme analysis is a rhetorical‐critical method that allows critics to discover the rhetorically created social realities of groups of people through detailed examination of their communication behavior. The method is particularly suited to discovering the motives of social actors who share social realities or “rhetorical visions.” Applied to U.S. print media coverage of the Iran hostage crisis, fantasy‐theme analysis reveals the motives that urged journalists to give the episode massive coverage, that urged Americans to become preoccupied with the episode, and that urged Americans to vote out an incumbent president. Thus, the study reveals the tremendous persuasive impact of “objective” materials like news coverage on electoral politics. 相似文献