浅论如何促进党内和谐

党的十六届六中全会《决定》提出"以党内和谐促进社会和谐"的重要思想,党内和谐是保持和发展党的先进性的根本建设。要着眼于最大限度地减少党内不和谐因素、最大限度地增加党内和谐因素,提升思想共识,发展党内民主,开展积极健康的思想斗争,建设平等融洽的党内关系,严肃党的纪律,不断化解党内矛盾,促进党内和谐。     

党内民主:党内和谐的基础

党内民主是实现党内和谐的基础,这是由党内民主具有利益整合作用、政治认同作用和制度保障作用决定的.推进党内民主建设必须以保障党员民主权利为基础,以健全党的代表大会制度和委员会制度为重点,以改革和完善党内选举制度为核心,以完善制度程序为保障,在党内民主的整体推进中实现党内和谐.     

发展党内民主视角下的党内程序民主制度建设

党内民主制度是党内实体民主制度和党内程序民主制度的统一,加强党内民主制度建设必须着力加强党内程序民主制度建设.因为,建立和健全党内程序民主制度是发展党内民主更为根本的前提;严格遵守和执行党内程序民主制度是发展党内民主更为根本的要求;科学构建和设计党内程序民主制度是发展党内民主更为根本的路径选择.     

发展党内民主与加强党内监督

现阶段党内监督不力的一个基本原因在于党内民主不足、党内民主制度不健全。党内民主是党内监督的基础和前提,只有大力发展党内民主,才能保障党内监督的有效实现。加强党内民主意识教育,改革和完善党内选举制度、党的代表大会制度、党的委员会制度,严格党员组织生活和保障党员民主权利,是发展党内民主,加强党内监督的重要内容。     

加强党内监督 促进党内民主

发展党内民主，推动人民民主的发展，是建设社会主义民主政治的一条重要途径。党内民主对人民民主具有重要的示范和带动作用。党自身的民主，对巩固党的执政地位和推动国家民主政治的发展举足轻重。党内民主的本质决定了党内民主的发展必然要体现为三个方面的提高：一是党内民主生活能力的提高；二是党内民主决策能力的提高；三是党内民主监督能力的提高。对于执政党的党内民主建设来说，民主生活是基础，民主决策是根本。民主监督是关键。这三方面相互依存。缺一不可。加强和健全党内监督，是促进党内民主的着力点所在。     

加强党内民主建设微探

党内民主是党的生命,十七大报告指出"要以扩大党内民主带动人民民主,以增进党内和谐促进社会和谐。"从就目前党内民主存在的弊端提出扩大党内民主的重要性,并从马列主义的党建理论提出对策:扩大党内民主就要完善党的代表大会制度,创新党内监督制度,扩大党员干部任用中的民主成分,严格任期制度。     

论党内民主对构建和谐政党的重要意义

党的十七届四中全会对新时期党内民主建设提出了新的目标和任务。全面理解和把握党内民主的内涵,分析党内民主建设中存在的问题和不足,明确党内民主建设所面临的现实挑战,探索发展党内民主的方法途径,用科学发展观的理论指导党内民主建设,以党内民主带动人民民主,以党的坚强团结保证全国各族人民的团结,以党内民主建设构建和谐政党,从而推动和谐社会建设,具有重要的历史和现实意义。     

增强党内民主意识推进党内民主建设

党内民主意识是指全体党员对于党内民主的主观要求及其反映,是党内民主发展的重要条件.党内民主制度权威的确立、体系的完善和功能的落实都离不开与之相适应的党内民主意识的支撑.目前,党内民主意识尚不能适应党内民主发展的要求,表现在:党员主体意识已经明确但不够稳定,党内参与意识日渐增强但不够积极,党内规则意识逐步形成但不够牢固.增强党内民主意识的途径主要是:加强党性修养,肃清封建残余;加强民主教育,树立民主观念;扩大民主实践,培养民主习惯.     

成长逻辑:中国共产党党内民主建设的几点启示

梳理中国共产党党内民主的成长逻辑,我们可以得出几点启示:发展党内民主要坚持党的领导有序稳步推进;坚持党内民主制度化建设的基本方向;坚持党员的民主权利是党内民主建设的中心内容这一基本价值取向;要进一步规范和约束党内权力,促进党内权力与党员权利的有序和谐;要进一步明确党内民主文化建设的重要性和紧迫性,增强党员的民主素养,切实优化党内民主环境;要坚持党内基层民主建设的基础性地位,鼓励、支持、引导基层民主实践,积极探索有效的民主形式;发展党内民主要辩证看待党内民主,正确处理好党内民主的诸种关系;发展党内民主要坚持从实际出发走自己的路,同时要不断学习和借鉴人类政治文明的有益成果。     

进一步完善党内选举制度

党内选举制度，是衡量党内民主发展水平的重要尺度。只有完善党内选举制度，对党内选举进行缜密的战略管理，才能进一步推进党内民主建设，最终实现以党内民主带动人民民主。     

中国共产党与社会民主党建党思想的区别

中国共产党第十六次全国代表大会在坚持马克思主义建党思想的基础上,与时俱进,开拓创新,对党的理论纲领、入党条件、组织制度和发展战略等进行了调整。有人认为,中国共产党正在社会民主党化。因此,从理论上认清中国共产党和社会民主党的根本区别是十分必要的。其实,二者在党的性质,指导思想,奋斗目标,组织原则和入党条件等方面存在着根本区别。     

执政党的党风关系党和人民事业的成败——学习十七届四中全会《决定》体会

改进和加强党的作风建设是党的十七届四中全会的重要内容。执政党的党风建设，关系党的形象，关系党和人民事业的成败。因此，党的作风建设是执政党建设的主要任务和突出问题。执政党的作风建设是党面临长期执政考验的需要，是应对国际环境挑战的需要，是深化改革、推进科学发展的需要，是解决党在作风上存在的问题的需要，从而使党永远不辜负人民的信任和期望。     

The Feminisation of the Conservative Parliamentary Party: Party Members' Attitudes

Under David Cameron's leadership reforms have been made to the Conservative party's parliamentary selection procedures and distinct women's policy initiatives have been developed. This article, based on focus group data with party members, explores attitudes towards measures designed to recruit more women Conservative MPs. Broadly, we find that, despite widespread support for the principle of greater social diversity among PPCs, members are uncomfortable with the specific measures that have been introduced. This is largely on the grounds that anything approaching 'positive discrimination' should be eschewed in favour of the 'meritocratic' selection of candidates. Further, the members tend to resent central party 'interference' in what has traditionally been the domain of local Constituency Associations.     

Inside the Cartel Party: Party Organisation in Government and Opposition

This article assesses the internal dynamics of the cartel party model. It argues that a party's endeavour to increase its societal reach by opening membership boundaries while keeping candidate selection local (two tendencies ascribed to this model), and the general need to maintain party unity, are difficult to reconcile. Therefore a fully fledged cartel party is organisationally vulnerable, which reinforces its resort to selective benefits (i.e. political appointments, patronage) whenever in government to satisfy organisational demands, a trigger intensifying party–state relations which is usually overlooked. Further, the dominant view of the ascendancy of parties' 'public face' needs to be qualified: the Irish Fianna Fáil, with its permeable boundaries and local candidate selection, reflects the cartel party model without a cartel at the party system level. Majoritarian dynamics have forced Fianna Fáil repeatedly into opposition which reveals the following: Fianna Fáil as a cartel party can afford to neglect its infrastructure on the ground as long as it is controlling government resources. In opposition its leadership initiates reforms to reinvigorate the party's infrastructure since it is pressed to generate organisational support through other means than distributing benefits.     

Party Platforms with Endogenous Party Membership

This paper proposes and analyzes a model of how the behaviorof voters and that of potential party activists togetherdetermine party membership and the ideological characteristicsof party platforms. Membership decisions are based onexpressive motivations, whereas platforms are chosenstrategically. Part of the ideological spectrum may remainoutside both parties because of alienation or indifference.     

Party Sub-Brands and American Party Factions

Scholars and pundits have long noted the dominance of the American two-party system, but we know relatively little about new, endogenous institutions that have emerged within the two major parties. I argue that ideological factions provide party sub-brands, which allow legislators to more precisely define their partisan type and capture faction-specific resources. To support this claim, I analyze new data on nine ideological factions in the House of Representatives (1995–2018). I find that (1) faction voting is distinct, suggesting a product ripe for party sub-branding, and (2) joining a faction changes the ideological composition of a candidate's donor base—conditional on the strength of the faction's institutions. Party sub-branding is effective only when factions possess organizational features that induce coordinated and disciplined position taking (e.g., whips, PACs, membership restrictions). These results suggest that, even within highly polarized parties, American political ideology is more than a dichotomous choice, and factions target niche markets of political donors as a means of blunting financial instruments of party power.     

党外知识分子政治参与的特殊性及其引导

党外知识分子是相对于加入中国共产党的知识分子而言的。党外知识分子的政治参与具有自主型、组织型的特征 ,且其政治参与的层次较高。党外知识分子的政治参与对政治生活具有一定的影响和示范作用 ,因此 ,应进一步健全制度 ,加强引导 ,不断提高党外知识分子政治参与的制度化和规范化水平。     

Thatcherism and the Conservative Party

Neither spatial models of party competition nor the 'Westminster' model of British politics explain the phenomenon of Thatcherism. One explanation of its success, examined by Crewe and Searing, suggests that Mrs Thatcher sought to convert the Conservative party and the wider electorate to her distinctive brand of liberal Whiggism and traditional Toryism. They found little evidence of the success of this, however, among the British electorate as a whole. In this paper, data from the first national survey of Conservative party members demonstrates that she had little success in converting the Conservative party to these ideas either, although she did have a secure ideological base within the party. The results also suggest that her successor, John Major, has a rather different support base within the party from that of Mrs Thatcher. The implications of these findings for spatial models of party competition and the Westminster model of British politics are discussed.