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1.
全球化引发了平民主义和两极分化,并对国家和社会的稳定构成了风险。古典社会学的主流思想是以核心价值观为基础的社会整合。习近平主席倡导了"富强、民主、文明、和谐、自由、平等、公正、法治、爱国、敬业、诚信、友善"为基本内容的社会主义核心价值观。埃米尔·涂尔干(Emile Durkheim)的国家社会理论在劳动分工产生的有机团结和普世价值之间左右摇摆。塔尔科特·帕森斯(Talcott Parsons)对这一困境给予的回应是,一个社会的核心价值观需要中央权威来支撑,而美国并没有满足这一要求。在习近平的治国理政思想中,权力具有权威性,但必须把权力关在制度的笼子里。中国将西方的、马克思主义的和非马克思主义理论与其独特的政治制度相结合产生了世界上有史以来最团结、最强大的民族国家。  相似文献   

2.
杨廷智 《西亚非洲》2012,(2):128-142
酋长制度是非洲一项传统的政治制度。赞比亚独立后保留了酋长制度,通过对酋长的权力进行限制和改造,将酋长纳入了国家现代政治管理的框架中,并让酋长在特定范围内发挥他们的传统权威作用,为赞比亚现代社会发展服务。酋长制度在现代赞比亚得到保留,权力受到限制与削弱,同时在现代文明的影响下酋长的面貌出现了许多新变化。酋长制度在现代赞比亚得以保留并继续发挥作用,有深刻的历史和现实原因。在现代赞比亚,酋长依然是国家政治生活中的一支重要力量,掌管着本地的公共事务和土地管理分配权。酋长制度作为赞比亚传统文化的符号和象征对经济发展起一定的促进作用,更重要的是,酋长制度能够促进赞比亚民族国家的整合。因此,酋长制度作为传统因素能够为赞比亚的现代社会发展提供动力。  相似文献   

3.
"维基揭密"网站所披露的美国军方文件再次掀起了信息自由与国家安全的讨论.信息自由是现代民主社会的最基本条件,并在美国受到宪法的直接保障.但信息自由必须遵循信息交流的伦理,即在保护信息自由与信息透明的同时实现数据保护.数据保护在个人价值观层面主要表现为隐私权的保护,在公共利益层面集中表现为维护国家安全,这就是信息自由的限度所在.  相似文献   

4.
区域安全复合体理论是以多维视角研究国际次体系区域的安全关系的理论。该理论 关注权力,也同样关注制度和身份,现实主义、自由制度主义和社会建构主义三大基础国际关系理 论的核心概念构成了该理论的三个重要支柱。该理论强调制度对权力的制约,强调身份使权力产生 了不同的意义,这样,三大主流国际关系理论有机地融合在区域安全复合体理论中,使得区域安全 复合体理论对地区安全问题的解释更全面、充分  相似文献   

5.
相互依赖、国际机制、全球治理是新自由制度主义的基本范式。与现实主义和新现实主义强调权力 与安全、强调国家的中心作用相比, 新自由制度主义更强调相互依赖, 强调国际合作的可能性。复合相互依赖模式 是新自由制度主义的重要的理论创新, 它为推进全球化时代国际合作的进一步发展提供了重要的理论依据。  相似文献   

6.
社会保障的东西方比较   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
现代社会保障制度起源于西方 ,它的基本功能是国家从经济的角度对社会公民的生活提供安全性保护。当代西方发达国家一般都存在完善的社会保障体系。而在东亚国家经济发展和向发达国家迈进的过程中 ,现代社会保障制度发展滞后是一个普遍现象 ,其中有历史文化传统和经济发展水平等原因。东亚不会发展起西方那种多功能的社会保障制度 ,适度福利和国民自保是这个地区社会保障制度的特点。  相似文献   

7.
土耳其是一个多民族的伊斯兰国家,民族与宗教矛盾自立国以来一直存在。虽然土宪法明确规定了国家世俗的、政教分离原则以及不可分裂的国家统一原则,但是以库尔德民族分离势力为主的民族矛盾、企图在土恢复政教合一政权的伊斯兰主义分子与世俗势力之争一直是土长期未能得到解决的难题。特别是90年代以来,以库尔德工人党(PKK)为主的民族分离势力和伊斯兰极端势力在土十分活跃,给土政治和社会稳定、国家安全以至经济发展都带来了十分消极的影响。  相似文献   

8.
自威斯特伐利亚体系以来,主权共识支持下的民族国家体系取代了历史上的神权干预,宗教因素自此被排除在现代国家交往的主流议程之外。"伊斯兰国"试图建立伊斯兰国家"哈里发国"是极端伊斯兰化的尝试,在主权认知上颠覆了国际政治传统。"伊斯兰国"的主权观以真主主权为核心特质,但又有别于以往"政教合一"的政权理解模式,即虽使用伊斯兰教的话语体系,但以武力和恐怖主义为实现手段,追求消除现有国家边界、创建"乌玛"乌托邦式的权力未来。"伊斯兰国"目前的状态更接近雏形国家,其对地区和国际安全的主要威胁表现在三个方面:边界粘连共生,而在实体疆域层面冲击周边国家的领土安全;通过网络技术平台增强其道德和政治影响力;以极端主义为意识形态侵蚀了温和伊斯兰的宗教权威。国际社会目前的主要应对措施集中于从突破疆域桎梏的空袭结合地面攻击以制约当地极端主义。鉴于之前的威胁分析,外部世界值得强化和补充的应对措施包括主导防御性的网络安全战争、帮助该地区重塑符合现代政治标准的世俗权威和提升温和教派领袖的宗教地位,实现有效的合作反恐。  相似文献   

9.
欧洲的经验表明,构建现代国家与民主化之间存在着复杂的关系。从过程的角度来说,欧洲现代国家构建内在包含着民族-国家构建和民主-国家构建的双重要素。在这个过程中,民族-国家基本制度框架的形成在时间上早于公共权力的民主化,在逻辑上优先于公共权力的民主化。从国家构建动力的角度来看,民主化抗争是现代国家构建的重要推动力,它不仅推动了欧洲国家的民主转型,而且促进了众多的民生制度建设。从国家能力与民主化的关系的角度来看,一方面,强国家能力是公共权力民主化的前提与基础,另一方面,公共权力民主化是增强国家能力的重要条件。欧洲现代国家构建的历史经验对当代中国政治发展实践的启示在于:现代国家构建与公共权力民主化两者不仅不矛盾,而且能够达到辩证统一。  相似文献   

10.
新加坡立法体系与人民行动党   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
在新加坡现代化进程中,人民行动党起着引导、控制、促进的作用。人民行动党通过对新加坡立法体系的控制牢牢地支配着新加坡的公共权力。人民行动党通过制订有利于自己的选举制度来控制立法体系;并对立法选举程序运作和立法过程的各个环节也都进行了严格掌控。通过对立法体系的控制,人民行动党取得对新加坡公共权力的绝对支配权。正是在此基础上,人民行动党有效地提高自己的执政能力,取得了显著的执政绩效。  相似文献   

11.
This article focuses on the apocalyptic zeitgeist of the Islamic State through the lens of what we call the New Tribalism. It finds that IS emerged from the Al Qaeda (AQ) milieu, but soon split with AQ as the messianic excitement surrounding Al-Baghdadi and his teachings grew. In common with previous millennial/messianic movements in all three “Peoples of the Book”—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—IS soon evolved beyond the laws of the normative faith (antinomianism). We hold that for this reason, despite its claims of faith and fealty, IS has left the Islamic Umah behind, becoming a malign sectarian group of its own whose dynamism and successes are attracting a global audience and support from Muslims in almost every country. This helps to explain such abhorrent practices as forced conversion, sexual servitude, the destruction of historic artifacts, and mass executions. We find that the American invasion of Iraq was the vital first step in a series of events, which gave birth to IS. A thorough review of IS history and political culture traces these historic moments in time.  相似文献   

12.
The world military security situation has entered a period of readjustment and transformation following the events of 9/11 and the ensuing war against terror. The "arc of crisis" in peripheral areas of the Eurasian continent and other regions is unsettled or tumultuous. Confronted by these new situations and challenges, military forces throughout the world have reassessed their respective strategic environment and adopted new transforming measures, which have brought about a dramatic change in military circumstances, thinking and operation in every country. More specifically, the U.S. unipolar military power has expanded, while at the same time is constrained by various internal and external factors. Worldwide military competition is becoming more complicated. Nuclear proliferation and upgrading has steadily developed, paving the way for an arms race on land, sea and in the air. Thus, the world's military situation is becoming more complex, with various factors-conflicts between unilateral and multilateral poles, cooperation and competition,readjustment and transformation, stability and instability-all interconnected.  相似文献   

13.
14.
From June 2014,ISIS has waged war and controlled territory in areas of Syria and Iraq.ISIS is also expected to seek to control areas in China's periphery in South Asia,Southeast Asia and Central Asia.This poses a direct threat to China's own security and development as well as to public safety.This article analyzes how ISIS is expanding into these areas and evaluates the scope of its influence in South Asia,Southeast Asia and Central Asia.It also examines ISIS ideology,political objectives and strategy.  相似文献   

15.
纵观政治经济学(political economy)的发展,政府和市场的各地定位和相互作用的争论一直处于发展经济学研究的核心①.20世纪90年代以来随着东亚经济崛起,一种新的理论范式开始主导该领域的研究议程②,这就是良治政府理论.这种理论认为由于东亚各国普遍把经济高增长放在首位、高度关注贸易的增长以及国内外市场的比较优势,同时把经济管理的绩效作为政治合法性(political legitimacy)的重要支柱,从而构成了"政府有效干预经济的模式",而正是这种模式才导致东亚经济快速发展.  相似文献   

16.
17.
The strong public support for displays of Maori culture since the mid-1980s in New Zealand under biculturalism appears paradoxical. Cultural values of respect for tradition, community, hierarchy, and attachment to place are promoted abroad and incorporated into public institutions at home at the same time as neoliberal economic policies emphasize individualism, self-reliance, rational behavior, and mobility. This article argues that Maori cultural practices supply the values of communal belonging and solidarity that were previously associated by the public with the New Zealand state. Thus, they support a postmodern conception of national identity and guarantee the legitimacy of the neoliberal state.  相似文献   

18.
The post-Taliban democratic reforms in Afghanistan were in part a recreation of the past. Afghanistan has had six constitutions between 1923 and 1990, and most have provided for national assemblies and elections in one form or other. Yet the degree of foreign involvement in the most recent reform process was unprecedented. The heavy foreign hand contradicted the promise of national autonomy, representation, and fair process held out by the democratization agenda. By implicitly devaluing the institutions it sought to promote, the democratization process has also had potentially counterproductive effects. Moreover, while promoting democratization, Western governments simultaneously created a state so dependent on external support that it deprived the critical institution of liberal democracy – the legislature – of its meaning. The logical response of the national assembly has been to engage mostly in politics with symbolic or nuisance value. This study focuses on three areas of political reform: the structuring of the interim administration, the promulgation of a new constitution, and the establishment of the legislature.  相似文献   

19.
越南水产业的现状与展望   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
越南有3260公里漫长的海岸线。这为越南发展水产业提供了极为理想的自然条件。从北部湾到泰国湾的海域正好处于亚热带和热带气候地区,全年平均气温为25℃,这种气候有利于海洋生物的生长和繁殖,每年太平洋和印度洋的洋流给该海域带来了丰富的浮游微生物。越南境内江河密布,特别是中部和南部靠近沿海的地区,河流纵横交错,湖泊连绵。每年雨季的时候,这些大大小小的河流为海洋生物带来了大量的食物。这为海洋水产的自然生长和人工养殖提供了良好的条件。一、越南革新开放以来水产业的发展1986年越共六大之后,越南实行革新开放政策,集中精力发展…  相似文献   

20.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):195-214
I examine the role of domestic gender equality in predicting whether or not a state is more aggressive in international disputes. This research adds to a growing body of feminist research in international relations, which demonstrates that states with higher levels of gender equality exhibit lower levels of violence during international disputes and during international crises. Many scholars have argued that a domestic environment of inequality and violence results in a greater likelihood of state use of violence internationally. This argument is most fully developed within feminist literature; however, research in the field of ethno-nationalism has also highlighted the negative impact of domestic discrimination and violence on state behavior at the international level. Using the MID data set and new data on first use of force, I test, using logistic regression, whether states with higher levels of gender equality are less likely to be aggressive when involved in international disputes, controlling for other possible causes of state use of force. Beyond this project's contribution to the conflict literature, this research expands feminist theory by further incorporating it into traditional international relations theory to deepen our understanding of the impact of domestic gender equality on state behavior internationally.  相似文献   

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