灵魂和实力:海外华文媒体的生存法则——访《日中商报》社长程显齐

正本刊封面人物程显齐,辽宁人,毕业于大连外国语大学,1993年去日本,2005年创办华文媒体——《日中商报》,现任日本日中商报社社长、日本中华料理报社社长、日本长城协力(集团)有限会社社长、NPO全日本中华料理——酒店支援协会理事长等职。秉承"以商务经济信息为主,不涉政治、不涉宗教、不涉色情"的办报理念,程显齐和他的团队,十年磨一剑,不仅仅让《日中商报》在竞争激烈的日本华文媒体圈中有了品牌     

国外非营利机构的发展及其管理趋势

非营利机构(NPO)是指不以获取利润为目的，而以推进社会公益为宗旨的独立部门。本从国外NPO的发展现状出发，研究了NPO在各国社会经济发展特别是吸纳就业、活跃市场、繁荣经济中的重要作用，阐述了NPO法制化、专业化和全球化等管理趋势。     

非营利组织与政府在应急救灾中的合作机制研究

本文对非营利组织（NPO）与政府和应急救灾中的合作现状、合作意愿并问题进行了实证研究，发现NPO与政府在应急救灾工作中，双方在应急救灾的资源领域、规范领域和政治领域的合作意愿既有相近之处，也存在着不少差异。以政府和NPO各自的合作意愿为基础，有针对性地开展各项相关工作，将会有效地提高人类社会减灾救火的能力。     

日本公共部门民营化与NPO困境——新公共管理的"公共性"质疑

在新公共管理潮流的推动下,日本的公共部门从中曾根政权开始,进行了一系列"从官到民"的改革.其中,具有代表性的以强化公共性为名义的公共部门民营化改革呈现出这样两种特征:首先,改革的真实动力源自政府财政困境,在"官制市场"中引入非营利组织NPO是缓解财政压力这一实质内容的外在形式;其次,NPO组织普遍面临资金不足以及对于政府资金的高度依赖,从而压抑着组织公共性的生长.为走出改革的困境,充分发挥NPO组织的应有功能,由"批判型"市民运动转向"政策提案型"市民运动可能是一条有效路径.即通过进一步培育民间主体,并建构各主体之间的对话机制,使社会力量的公共参与并不仅仅局限于争取和接受政府项目委托,而是延伸至政策提案层面,从而彰显以NPO等社会力量为重要主体的区域治理的公共性.     

社区参与中的女性NPO:价值基础及其实现

随着市民社会和性别意识的发展,女性参与社区治理的价值体系也在逐步形成,并对社会、社区和家庭的变革产生了巨大的影响。女性NPO的社区参与有其特殊的运作机制,在自我意识与能力、资源支撑、制度保障、社区认同等层面,影响着社区参与的深度与广度。提升女性NPO参与社区的组织化意识和能力是实现女性价值的前提,在我国当前形势下,女性NPO参与社区治理的对策和建议在于:完善政策与法律支撑体系;有序与渐进——女性NPO参与社区的实现路径;互动与合作——女性NPO获取社区认同的策略;充分发掘女性NPO的精英潜力;以组织绩效作为对女性NPO提供支持的依据。     

NPO问责问题研究述评

近年来,我国NPO组织发展迅速,其对社会的影响力不断增大。同时NPO领域不断揭露出贪污、挪用慈善资金案件,因此对NPO问责问题进行研究显得十分重要。通过对近年来国内外研究NPO问责问题的文献进行总结和评述,在积累成果的同时发现现有研究的不足之处,以期为完善我国NPO管理体制和促进本行业的健康发展提供借鉴和参考。     

从防卫白皮书看日本的军事大国图谋

全副武装的Ｆ－２是日本在美国Ｆ－１６战斗机基础上发展的新一代支援战斗机。 日本不久前发布的《防卫白皮书》，再次强化了日本成为军事大国的思想。日本近年来一再违背其国际承诺，壮大军事实力，向海外扩展防务范围，令曾遭受日本侵略的亚洲各国深感忧虑。     

日美贸易摩擦的新特点

继日本首相宫泽与美国总统克林顿4月中旬在华盛顿举行首次会谈之后,美国商务部长布朗和日本通产大臣森喜朗接着于4月23日在东京举行会谈,双方就制定并实施一项新的“日美促进贸易合作计划”达成共识,旨在缓解日美贸易的不平衡。据报道,这项为期3年的计划包括5项内容;(1) 为美国企业进入日本市场交换有关资料和信息;(2) 向美国出口企业提供日本市场调查结果;(3) 举办贸易展销会,交换信息;(4) 利用“商业支援中心”,支援美国人的商业活动;(5) 充实日本的促进进口地区制度和促进进口金融制度等。或许有人会认为,此举也许将对缓和日美     

试论公共产品的特征、类型及其提供方式

公共产品的非排他性和非竞争性以及“搭便车”现象的存在,导致了公共产品供给的难题。根据公共产品的不同类型,必须有区别地提供公共产品,包括政府在内的多中心安排,如政府与私人企业、第三部门、非政府组织(NPO)等共同供给才能有效地提供公共产品,从而增进人们的福利。     

福田外交的未来走向

1977年8月，福田康夫的父亲福田赳夫首相出访东南亚，在最后一站菲律宾首都马尼拉发表了题为《我国的东南亚政策》的演讲。在这次演讲中，他首次阐述了“福田主义”的几大原则：日本不当军事大国；与东南亚各国建立“心心相印”的友好信赖关系：以对等、合作者的身份支援东南亚。这一讲话使日本以“和平国家”的形象赢得了东南亚国家的谅解和好感。     

Seeds of an Asian European Union? Regionalism as a hedge against the United States on telecommunications technology in Japan and Germany

Abstract

Germany and Japan have both used regionalism as a hedge against American power in the area of telecommunications, but this strategy has taken very different forms. Germany's regionalism is within the European Union. Since 2002 Japan has developed an ad hoc technology alliance in telecommunications with China and South Korea. Both the European Union and Northeast Asian countries have used industrial policy to promote telecommunications technology and both regional organizations have expressed concern about American dominance in telecommunications. Both Germany and Japan have looked to their lower income neighboring countries for investment opportunities in telecommunications, but each has taken a different approach. Japanese telecommunications firms have not been very successful in investing in other countries or in exporting Japan's very sophisticated and expensive telecommunications equipment. The Japanese government and business organizations have taken the lead in trying to promote joint research and pursue development of joint standards. Germany's Deutsche Telekom has been much more active than Japanese firms in international investment. The European Union differs from the Northeast Asian group in that it has pressed Germany to keep its domestic telecommunications market open and to make Deutsche Telekom compete internationally. It is surprising that China, Japan and South Korea have reached out to each other to cooperate on technology and standards development despite longstanding mutual antagonisms. The Northeast Asian agreements on telecommunications recall the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) of 1952, an initiative that also sought to link economically states divided by deep resentments. Like the ECSC, the current Asian initiative targets some of the most important economic sectors of the day. However, strong market pressures tend to undermine cooperation, and it is uncertain how much impact the agreements on telecommunications will really have.     

中美人才使用比较及启示

人才使用是一门艺术,如何更好地发挥人才的作用,在竞争激烈的今天具有非常重要的意义。我国古代和一些西方国家在人才使用上积累了很多丰富的经验,值得我们学习借鉴。本文在分析我国古代人才使用观和美国人才使用观的基础上,比较了我国古代和美国人才使用在人才观、人才价值和地位、人才使用基础、标准、激励、效应等方面的差异,针对我国人才使用中的一些误区,提出完善人才评判标准,实行科学的人才观;建立人才流动机制,促进人才的社会化;转换视角,注重人才使用的群体效益;认可人才的价值,合理拉开收入差距;爱护人才,确保人才的可持续发展的对策建议。     

我国非营利组织的营利问题：成因与对策

非营利组织的营利问题是指非营利组织对其非营利性原则的背离。目前,我国部分非营利组织在一定程度上存在着营利问题。对此,要严格营利组织与非营利组织的界限,细化非营利组织的分类,完善非营利组织自身的治理结构,增强其运行的透明度,加强外界的监督。     

Competitive partners in development financing: China and Japan expanding overseas infrastructure investment

Abstract

In the aftermath of the global financial crisis, with the world in search for new economic engines, China and Japan have explicitly given their answer through their expansion of overseas infrastructure investments. This study focuses on the flagship sector of high-speed railways (HSR) and examines what kinds of development financing China and Japan have adopted in making these investments. It asks the following questions: What similarities are there in the Chinese and Japanese approaches to investments in overseas infrastructure, and how do they differ from traditional Western development financing? Also, in what ways have China and Japan changed their approaches to overseas infrastructure projects during this process? It argues that in the process of expanding overseas infrastructure investments and competing for infrastructure projects, China and Japan have become ‘competitive partners’ in challenging the traditional norms of development financing represented by the Washington Consensus and the Development Assistance Committee (DAC). To be more specific, China and Japan have adopted each other’s practices of tied commercial financing, heavy government involvement, focusing on physical infrastructure and industrialization, and showing respect for host-country forms of governance. In particular, by joining China in the new game of exporting infrastructure and through its own ‘quality infrastructure investment’ initiative, Japan has broken out of the constraints of DAC norms as an aid donor and endorsed some fundamental Chinese approaches to development and development cooperation, which in their turn were inspired by earlier Japanese practices.     

Identity and recognition: remembering and forgetting the post-war in Sino-Japanese relations

Abstract

In the 1990s, Japanese views of China were relatively positive. In the 2000s, however, views of China have deteriorated markedly and China has increasingly come to be seen as ‘anti-Japanese’. How can these developments, which took place despite increased economic interdependence, be understood? One seemingly obvious explanation is the occurrence of ‘anti-Japanese’ incidents in China since the mid-2000s. I suggest that these incidents per se do not fully explain the puzzle. Protests against other countries occasionally occur and may influence public opinion. Nonetheless, the interpretation of such events arguably determines their significance. Demonstrations may be seen as legitimate or spontaneous. If understood as denying recognition of an actor's self-identity, the causes of such incidents are likely to have considerably deeper and more severe consequences than what would otherwise be the case. Through an analysis of Japanese parliamentary debates and newspaper editorials, the paper demonstrates that the Chinese government has come to be seen as denying Japan's self-identity as a peaceful state that has provided China with substantial amounts of official development aid (ODA) during the post-war era. This is mainly because China teaches patriotic education, which is viewed as the root cause of ‘anti-Japanese’ incidents. China, then, is not regarded as ‘anti-Japanese’ merely because of protests against Japan and attacks on Japanese material interests but for denying a key component of Japan's self-image. Moreover, the analysis shows that explicit Chinese statements recognising Japan's self-identity have been highly praised in Japan. The article concludes that if China recognises Japan's self-understanding of its identity as peaceful, Japan is more likely to stick to this identity and act accordingly whereas Chinese denials of it might empower Japanese actors who seek to move away from this identity and ‘normalise’ Japan, for example, by revising the pacifist Article Nine of the Japanese constitution.     

Whither the Developmental State? The Growing Role of NGOs in Japanese Aid Policymaking

Japan is often characterized as a developmental state, i.e., a state with a strong and autonomous bureaucratic leadership that directs the economy toward achieving developmental goals. This study challenges the developmental state model, arguing that the once-powerful Japanese bureaucracy has lost much of its authority and is no longer autonomous from societal forces. By focusing on the growing role of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Japan's official development assistance (ODA) policymaking, this study shows how the nongovernmental sector has begun to challenge bureaucratic dominance and reshape state–civil society relations in Japan.     

日本行政指导及其对我国的启示

二战后,行政指导在日本的经济社会发展中产生、盛行并彰显了其重要作用.在我国市场经济的不断成熟与完善的过程中,有必要借鉴、吸收日本行政指导的做法,为我国治理模式民主化和效能化服务.本文主要分析了行政指导在日本盛行的基本原因与基本经验,并简要论述了日本行政指导对我国的启示.     

Leadership and Economic Theories of Nonprofit Organizations

Economic theories of nonprofit organizations (NPOs) have modified standard economic assumptions to explain altruism and nonprofit entrepreneurship but have neglected their dependence on leadership due to the traditional reluctance of economists to consider phenomena associated with preference change. The relevance of Hermalin's (1998 ) model of leadership by example and Casson's (1991 ) theory of leadership through moral manipulation are considered within an NPO context where leaders seek to influence stakeholder commitments to the organization's quest. The propositions Elster (1998 ) advanced with regard to the relationship between the emotions and decision making are then applied in a theory that explains how NPO leaders can develop a culture of hope that maintains the quality control and product differentiation advantages claimed for these organizations. It is argued that policymakers should consider the dependence of NPOs on the quality of leadership when choosing the organizational mechanism for social service delivery.     

Japan’s strategic contrast: continuing influence despite relative power decline in Southeast Asia

Abstract

Since 2008 the Japanese government has become more responsive to the exercise of Chinese economic, diplomatic and military power in Southeast Asia, suggesting an intensifying rivalry. The Japanese government has thrown off any reticence about self-promotion by more forcefully positioning Japan as a sensitive and sustainable strategic partner for Southeast Asian nations in a strategic contrast with the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Rather than trying to contain China, Tokyo is seeking to mediate how China turns its material resources into influence. Despite an increasing asymmetry in material resources between China and Japan, this article argues that Japan maintains a surprising ability to influence the preferences of Southeast Asian nations and responses to exercises of PRC power, which in turn has allowed Japan to influence China’s regional strategy.     

A new dynamism in Sino-Japanese security relations: Japan's strategic use of foreign aid

Abstract

In November 2004 a Chinese nuclear submarine cruised into Japan's territorial waters near the Okinawa Islands. In response, the Japanese government dispatched several Japanese naval ships and planes to chase the Chinese submarine until it navigated into international waters. This event, which potentially could have become the first exchange of fire between Japan and China since the Second World War, illuminated increasingly problematic security relations between the two neighbouring countries in the twenty-first century. In fact, deterioration of Sino-Japanese security relations is not a recent phenomenon but has already been evident since the mid-1990s, when Japan imposed a series of economic sanctions on China. Between 1995 and 2000 Japan had suspended its foreign aid to China in protest against: China's nuclear weapons tests; China's large scale war game including the launch of missiles across the Taiwan Strait; and Chinese naval activities in disputed areas in the East China Sea. This article looks at Sino-Japanese security relations since the mid-1990s through three case studies of the aid sanctions imposed by Japan on China. It clarifies the domestic political and bureaucratic interests that motivated aid sanctions and determined the decision-making process leading to these sanctions. The article argues, that with certain politico-security interests, Japanese governments actively used foreign aid as a strategic instrument to counter provocative military actions by China in the East Asian region since the mid-1990s. Despite the limited influence that Japanese aid sanctions have actually had on Chinese military behaviour, Japan's strategic use of foreign aid has undeniably created a new dynamism in security relations between the two neighbouring great powers in Asia.