俄格冲突的深层原因及影响

2006年9月底,俄罗斯与格鲁吉亚之间的“间谍风波”引发两国关系出现了自苏联解体后的最严重危机。俄格矛盾与冲突的背后是两国在阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯问题上的利益冲突,以及俄罗斯与西方对格鲁吉亚的地缘政治争夺。俄格关系恶化将对格国内和外高地区局势、独联体未来以及俄与西方关系产生一系列重要影响。     

普京执政时期俄罗斯与格鲁吉亚的关系

在独联体国家关系中,俄罗斯与格鲁吉亚两国关系最为复杂.两国独立以来,由于反恐、驻军和民族问题等诸多因素,彼此间始终龃龉不断.普京执政后.对外高加索各国政策进行了相应的调整.执政初期,普京力图扭转与格鲁吉亚的关系,但由于同格矛盾较深,俄格关系始终没有得到真正好转.格鲁吉亚发生"颜色革命"亲西方的萨卡什维利担任总统后,俄格关系更是急转直下,双方剑拔弩张,几乎濒临战争边缘.如今,由于南奥塞梯冲突,俄格两国已经断交.基于两国战略欲求的背离及彼此间结构性矛盾,俄格关系短期内难有好转.     

俄格冲突对国际关系的影响探析

俄格冲突是苏联解体后俄罗斯军队第一次在境外作战。学界对此进行了各种分析评论,总体上担心这场冲突会导致"新冷战"开场,怀疑国际格局发生了重大变化。从实际情况看,俄罗斯是在格鲁吉亚突然袭击受维和部队保护的南奥塞梯后被迫采取的军事行动,仅仅是为了阻止北约继续东扩的步伐。这场冲突既没有改变"美强俄弱"的总体国际环境,甚至也没有改变"美攻俄守"的欧亚地区格局。俄格冲突是对冷战结束以来美国在世界各地推行强权政治的"反动",引发人们对冷战后国际关系准则一再遭到破坏的深刻反思。     

俄格冲突对俄罗斯外交的影响浅析

2008年8月8日凌晨，格鲁吉亚军队继续在南奥塞梯地区展开行动，俄罗斯迅即以防止种族屠杀为名调动军队介入，并迅速展开攻势，占领了全部争议地区及重要交通线。俄格冲突使世界一片哗然。通过对俄军事行动动机的分析来探索俄外交走向无疑具有重要的现实意义。     

俄格冲突后的格鲁吉亚局势

俄格冲突是近年来俄罗斯地缘政治突围的继续和延伸。这次冲突对相关国家之间的关系有重大影响,同时也使格鲁吉亚的国内局势发生了重大变化。目前阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯面临重新确定身份的问题,这两个地区不会并入俄罗斯,但是它们与阿扎尔一样会继续远离格鲁吉亚。格鲁吉亚加入北约和欧盟的希望更加渺茫,萨卡什维利政府也有倒台的危险。不过冲突后这一年来,外高加索地区进入了一个相对稳定的时期。     

俄罗斯国际观的变化与对外政策调整

近年来,国际格局中一个引入瞩目的变化是俄罗斯的强势崛起.随着国力复兴,俄国际战略观也发生了重要变化.俄认为美国的影响正在下降,西方正失去对全球化的主导,多中心国际秩序进一步显现.俄格冲突是对俄新国际战略观的一次重要检验.然而国力上升并未使俄罗斯的外部环境得到改善,2008年的俄格冲突和全球金融危机使俄周边及国际环境出现恶化趋势,俄因此加速调整对外政策,一方面宣示坚决捍卫国家利益的决心,努力维系俄在原苏联地区的地位与影响,强化与新兴大国合作;另一方面试图借奥巴马上台之机与美国建立平等的"战略伙伴关系",同时继续强化俄欧相互依赖关系,构筑俄欧"统一空间".未来,俄对外政策将受到俄国家实力、国家身份定位、崛起方式和国内政治等因素的影响.     

阿布哈兹问题缘起及前景

阿布哈兹是格鲁吉亚境内的一个自治共和国，它与格鲁吉亚的争端由来已久。20世纪90年代初期，正当苏联发生剧变之际，亲俄罗斯的阿布哈兹宣布脱离格鲁吉亚而独立，引发格当局与阿地方政府之间长达14个月的大规模战争。武力对抗并没有解决争端，双方被迫停战谈判，但在关键问题上难以达成一致，始终处于“僵持”状态，成为困扰格鲁吉亚当局最棘手的难题。近期，俄罗斯和格鲁吉亚因南奥塞梯问题爆发的严重冲突重新激化了阿布哈兹问题。尽管目前俄格军事冲突暂时停息，但问题依旧未能解决，阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯这类“被冻结的冲突”的“解冻”无疑将使高加索地区陷入动荡之中。     

俄格冲突的国际政治解读

俄罗斯与格鲁吉亚的军事冲突表面上看是双方在南奥塞梯问题上的军事纷争,但其背后的深层原因则是冷战结束后美对俄长期战略挤压的必然结果。美国忽视俄罗斯传统的安全利益,固执地推行北约东扩、在欧洲部署导弹防御系统以及煽动"颜色革命"等举措,本质上是其缺乏制衡的霸权性全球权力扩张的结果。俄美因格鲁吉亚问题关系紧张,具有单极体系下国际权力结构内在不稳定的根本原因,美俄冲突因而反映了当前国际体系的"结构性"矛盾。     

俄格冲突剖析

2008年8月发生的俄格军事冲突有着复杂的历史、现实和地缘政治等多种原因，现今深层次因素是俄美在高加索和中亚地带的角力与博弈。冲突及其引起的国际反应表明，俄罗斯已有足够的政治影响力和军事实力在高加索和中亚地区发挥其传统作用。俄格冲突对独联体今后的发展、对俄格双方与北约的关系、对俄欧及俄美关系都将产生广泛而深远的影响。     

试析俄格冲突的战略内涵

俄格冲突是九一一事件之后的又一历史性事件,意味着"冷战后时代"的一个重要转折.它证明了俄罗斯的强势崛起及其国际战略观的显著变化,表明原苏联国家寻求新身份认同的过程还没有完全结束,欧亚地区的新一轮分化还将继续.俄格冲突在一定程度上反映了美国全球控制力正在下降,欧洲难以完全整合,北约处境尴尬.俄格冲突在一定程度上展现了"无极"秩序可能导致的混乱和"国际管理真空",凸现了"双重标准"对国际法原则的严重冲击.能否就国际安全、世界经济和全球稳定做出合理安排,挑战着国际战略家的智慧与意志.俄格冲突的背后是激烈的能源地缘政治竞争,国际能源战略环境将进一步趋于复杂.     

Visibly Invisible: EU Engagement in Conflict Resolution in the South Caucasus

Abstract

This essay examines growing European Union (EU) involvement in the South Caucasus, focusing on efforts to resolve the protracted conflicts in the regions of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh. To date, the EU has occupied a back seat in conflict resolution efforts, supporting organisations such as the UN and OSCE, which have taken the lead role. However, over a decade of negotiations has produced few tangible results and the EU now has the opportunity to play a much greater role. This essay argues that the EU needs to become more involved: it has a much wider range of tools at its disposal with which to influence the various situations and it is in its own interest to ensure the stability of its neighbours.     

The 2008 Russian–Georgian war via the lens of Offensive Realism

Abstract

The Russian intervention in Georgia's breakaway republic of South Ossetia in August 2008, Moscow's first-ever use of military force against a sovereign state in the post-cold war period, deserves a theoretical explanation. By following the tenets of Offensive Realism, this article will argue that the US–Russian competition in the South Caucasus is the main cause of the 2008 Russian–Georgian war. During the 1990s, the USA passed the buck to Turkey to contain Russian influence in the South Caucasus. In the early to mid-2000s, however, the Russian–Turkish relations were improved so rapidly that the USA opted, through NATO expansion, to step in as an offshore balancer. Following Bush administration's decision to support the Georgian candidacy for NATO membership and Georgia's ill-fated attempt to seize South Ossetia, Moscow went to war to re-establish hegemony in the South Caucasus. In this way, as the theory of Offensive Realism claims, the Kremlin believes that Russian state will enhance its chances of survival in the anarchical international system.     

Demographic manipulation in the Caucasus (with special reference to Georgia)

The author discusses political developments in the Caucasus region since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The focus is on the events in Georgia that led to the war in South Ossetia (particularly in Abkhazia), and the author suggests that this development is the latest in a 200-year history of demographic manipulation of minority peoples by the region's two major powers, Russia and Georgia. Parallels are drawn between the Georgian war in Abkhazia and Russia's war in Chechenia. The author questions the value of the principle of territorial integrity, and suggests that alternative principles safeguarding the rights of ethnic minorities would be more appropriate in these circumstances.     

Playing the Recognition Game: External Actors and De Facto States

It is impossible to understand the creation and continued survival of de facto states without reference to external actors. External patrons provide vital support and the international system constrains and shapes these aspiring states. The relationship is, however, not one-sided, and these entities are not merely puppets. In fact external dependence creates significant dilemmas for de facto states: it undercuts their de facto independence and contradicts their strategy for gaining international recognition, thereby undermining their long-term sustainability. The dilemmas facing de facto states have been accentuated by the recent recognition of Kosovo, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.     

中美在东亚安全结构中的冲突——2006年美国《四年防务评估报告》的一种解读

2006年2月6日出台的美国《四年防务评估报告》,首次称中国是“最具有与美国进行军事竞争潜力”的新兴大国,并指责中国正常的国防建设,称中国对安全事务采取了“遮掩的态度”,“中国军力扩张的速度和范围已使区域军力面临失衡的危险。”五角大楼对中国的这种战略定位,折射出中美冲突的实质,即美国作为霸权护持国,采取一切有效手段防卫“挑战者”,从而引发的竞争、矛盾和斗争。由于中国和平发展的既定战略是明确的,在这一变量确定的情况下,未来中美冲突的发展模式将在很大程度上取决于美国对华政策的走向。     

冷战前美国的南中国海政策

冷战前美国的南中国海政策是后来的基础。18世纪末到二战结束,南中国海越来越多地涉及美国利益。二战前,美国在南中国海的利益有限,承担责任亦有限;二战期间,美国已深深地介入南中国海事务,南中国海对美国利益的影响也越来越大,从而决定了整个冷战时期乃至如今美国南中国海政策的方向。     

Rationalist state,revolutionist EU and realist war: Austria in international society

This article examines Austria's position as a small, neutral state in the international society as framed by the English School. This examination is chiefly done in the face of the effects of great power conflicts and their impact on Western Europe's society of states. In doing so, the article provides insights to the fundamental puzzles concerning the ways power is managed between states, great and small alike. The article surveys how war (such as in South Ossetia in 2008) and war-like incidents affected Austria's position in the international society and the understanding of its place in great power conflicts between East and West. I argue that neutrality, despite European integration in the context of a peaceful international society, remains a political option for small states such as Austria. This option is especially lively if there is a domestic sentimental attachment to it and sticking to it does not undermine domestic or European and international foreign policy rationale and interests.     

失败的国家建设方针——肯尼迪政府与越战初期的南越“战略村计划”(1961-1963)

肯尼迪执政时期,随着冷战战场向第三世界的转移,美国政府越来越致力于通过"国家建设"(Nation Building)①方针应对欠发达国家不断出现的"叛乱"问题,意图通过引导落后地区以发展现代化来消除共产主义"滋生的根源"。越南战争时期南越的"战略村计划"是肯尼迪政府在第三世界展开的第一次完全意义上的"国家建设"行动。本文旨在通过对"战略村计划"从出台到实施再到失败这一过程的历史考察,分析肯尼迪政府对第三世界的"国家建设"方针存在的两点困境:一个是美国自身在"国家建设"中的定位问题,一个是文化冲突问题。