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1.
崔红丽 《法制博览》2013,(6):173-174,172
刑事和解制度的建立是我国法律的新发展,是十几年来我国法学界基本的研究成果之一。为保障刑事和解制度发挥最大的功用,检察系统应适当地参与和监督刑事和解的过程。在参与的过程中,女检察官更应发挥其特有的优势,细心发现问题、认真观察双方表现、耐心进行心理辅导,最终化解矛盾,达成协议,恢复社会的原有秩序,进而保障社会的和谐稳定。  相似文献   

2.
当今国际社会,国际制度的作用和影响与日俱增。这就要求作为正在和平崛起的世界大国的中国不仅要全面参与国际制度,在现有的国际制度框架内维护国家的主权和利益,而且要力争在构建国际制度时发挥更大的建设性作用。这不仅是维护中国日益全球化的国家利益的需求,也是作为负责任大国的历史责任所在。本文旨在从国际制度的构建机制入手,阐述正在和平崛起的中国所应发挥的建设性作用。  相似文献   

3.
针对不同时期农民政治参与情况的分析最能揭示基层民主政治的发展轨迹.中国共产党领导下我国农民政治参与的百年发展历程,先后经历了动员型参与、吸纳型参与、回应型参与、互动型参与、共治型参与等发展阶段,呈现出特定的时代主题和历史任务语境下的鲜明特征.其中,政党、农民、农村和农业成为影响政治参与的最重要变量,逐渐形成农民政治参与的"先进性、主体性、结构性、协同性"传承路径,从此中国农民走出了一条自己的政治参与路子.放眼未来,对标中国共产党第二个百年奋斗目标新征程,需要坚持党的全面领导,扎实推动"三农工作",夯实发展基础,精准把握"乡村振兴大局"战略定位,发挥"城乡融合发展"的支撑作用,不断开创农民政治参与的新局面.  相似文献   

4.
全球气候治理观是指治理主体对全球气候治理体系价值目标的基本看法和主张。中国在参与全球气候治理的长期实践中,已经形成了系统的全球气候治理观,它以合作共赢、公平合理为核心要义,具有鲜明的中国特色。中国全球气候治理观建立在三个基础之上,即中国传统文化中关于社会正义的思想、中国国际关系理论、新型国际关系与人类命运共同体的理念。中国在参与全球气候治理的实践中,积极践行其全球气候治理观,既有力推动了国内气候治理的进程,也对全球气候治理机制的发展发挥了重要作用。  相似文献   

5.
五大宗教的公益化冲动   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
宁二 《南风窗》2010,(7):50-52
五大宗教中的有识之士正试图依靠其日益增强的影响力和实力,发挥更大的社会效应,在经历了复苏与摸索阶段之后,慈善与公益已成为今日中国宗教界主动参与社会,努力谋求自身发展空间最重要的手段。  相似文献   

6.
按照WTO协议第12条的规定,中国于2001年12月11日成为WTO的第143个成员。中国正式入世,除了对我国改革开放、市场经济的建立和现代化建设将产生重要而深远的影响外,还有一个重要的方面就是对我国参与 WTO 首轮贸易谈判的资格、身份、深度和决策力度等将产生积极的作用。这不仅可以奠定中国全面参与新一轮多边贸易谈判的法律基础,而且也为我国参与制定21世纪的国际经贸游戏规则提供了一个具有挑战性的机遇。  相似文献   

7.
新旧世纪之交,全球经济进入了一个风云变幻、格局调整的新时期。如何应对世界经济发展中的新情况新挑战,实行全方位对外开放战略,全面建设小康社会,这是我国新时期的发展任务。2003年10月,党的十六届三中全会在北京胜利召开,会议提出了要深化涉外经济体制改革,完善对外开放的制度保障,更好地发挥外资的作用,增强我国参与国际合作和竞争的能力。为了深刻领会中央全会的精神,我们采访了北京师范大学著名经济学家陶大镛教授,就世界经济新格局和中国发展新走向,进行了广泛深入的交流。  相似文献   

8.
中国是一个多民族国家。少数民族有55个,其中的28个属于人口较少民族。人口较少民族因为自身特点,在政治参与的过程中,发出的声音有限,收到的关注也受到极大限制。人口较少民族政治参与是我国民主建设不可缺少的一部分。本文旨在介绍我国人口较少民族的政治参与内容以及当前的现状和存在的问题和困难,讨论如何解决人口较少民族执政参与权保障的问题。  相似文献   

9.
邹志强 《国际展望》2016,(5):113-130
中东地区长期存在严重的经济问题与"治理赤字",地区经济治理需要国际社会的共同参与。随着在中东地区的经济利益日益扩大,中国已成为中东地区经济治理的重要参与者,主要覆盖能源、贸易、投融资与发展治理等领域。尽管如此,国际社会对中国发挥更大作用的期待与压力仍不断增大。与西方大国相比,中国的治理实践在目标、能力、路径、机制、领域和风格等方面均独具特色:中国参与地区经济治理改善了地区经济发展环境与贸易条件,增强了其经济自主发展能力;也用实际行动回应了西方所谓中国"搭便车"的指责。"一带一路"倡议的落实,推动中国参与中东地区经济治理的实践进入新阶段,中国应努力提升治理能力,创新治理机制,构建国际合作治理格局。  相似文献   

10.
国际公共产品作为全球化的重要基石和关键组成要素,在当今的世界政治中占据突出的位置。在新型全球治理模式下,中国民间社会组织在数量规模、组织能力和对外影响力各方面进步卓著,通过一些路径参与到国际公共产品的供给中。但囿于各方面制约因素,目前中国民间社会组织在国际公共产品供给领域的话语权暂时落后于国家在世界上的整体影响力。研究中国民间社会组织参与国际公共产品供给的现有路径与主要问题,把握这一领域的新趋势,探索改进方式与未来可行性路径,是发挥民间社会力量参与全球治理的重大举措,同时对于增强中国民间社会组织自身发展能力与提升国家软实力具有重要意义。  相似文献   

11.
21世纪之初,美日两国相关领域专家曾就开启双边FTA谈判的可行性进行探讨;两国政府间谈判后来也终于启动。作为第一阶段贸易谈判的成果,《美日贸易协定》和《美日数字贸易协定》已于2020年1月1日正式生效。进入21世纪以来,美日贸易谈判得以启动,表面来看是美国为了降低与日本的巨额贸易赤字,利用追加汽车关税手段对日施压,日本被迫应允。实际上,美日贸易谈判的启动和发展是两国在经济利益、双边关系、地缘政治、权力博弈等多种动因综合作用下的结果。美日贸易谈判增加了美国重返TPP/CPTPP制衡中国的可能,为美日联手打造排除中国的数字贸易规则创造了条件,建立了不对称权力谈判的样板,并增大了日本在中、美之间实施战略摇摆的可能性。美日贸易谈判短期内对中国的影响并不明显,但从中长期来看,特别是在新冠肺炎疫情加速推动世界秩序重构、美日两国政府更替、RCEP签署、中欧投资协定谈判如期完成、中国表态积极考虑加入CPTPP并正就相关事项展开研究等新的国际政治经济形势下,会在多个方面产生较大影响。深入分析进入21世纪以来美日贸易谈判有助于中国及时妥善应对相关问题。  相似文献   

12.
The worldwide increase in demand for health services offers developing countries, like Indonesia, significant opportunities to expand international trade in this area. However, policy aimed at achieving this objective must carefully consider the World Trade Organization's (WTO) General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). For signatory nations and those considering becoming signatory nations, the procedural, structural, and other effects of the GATS make it a formidable challenge for national health policy alongside its impact on trade liberalization. Invoking the four GATS health care trade modes, this article develops possible approaches to Indonesian health services in the context of trade liberalization.  相似文献   

13.
This paper offers a contribution to recent debates on European Union (EU) external trade and development policy, with a specific focus on the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries. The question asked is why the EU encountered such difficulties in the attempt to translate its normative preferences for freer trade and closer economic integration into a series of binding agreements? Drawing on both economic constructivist and historical institutionalist insights, it is argued that the case for reform initially rested on a strong convergence between institutions and ideas, enabling the EU to discursively present desired policy reforms as necessary to satisfy World Trade Organisation trade rules. However, in due course, the institutional dynamics behind the latter began to diverge from the EU's policy preferences and blunt its norm-based argument – thus creating the space for transnational coalitions to, first, question and, ultimately, undermine aspects the EU's trade and development prospectus for the ACP.  相似文献   

14.
Without disregarding them, this volume seeks to go beyond the controversial and extensively researched Economic Partnership Agreements to offer new perspectives on the evolution of the trade–development nexus in the European Union against dramatic changes in the international context. In particular, it focuses on the reform of the Generalised System of Preferences, the negotiation of various Preferential Trade Agreements, the application of trade sanctions, the allegedly ambitious agendas on decent work, Aid for Trade and aid untying, and the implications of the changing balance of power in global economic relations. Taking diverse approaches and, at times, reaching different conclusions, contributors directly or indirectly address one or more of the three general themes that are discussed in this introduction: differentiation, coherence, and norms.  相似文献   

15.
全球化时代的加速推进、全球性问题的凸显,以及中国走和平发展道路的实际需要,都促使中国参与全球治理。在这一进程中,中国地方为中国参与全球治理,提供了政治经济动力、建制经验与智力支持。长三角次区域作为中国沿海三大经济区域之一,其突出的地方全球联系促进了区域内经济社会发展,并承担起国际组织落地、国际社区形成、国际智力开发以至分散外交压力等责任。随着改革开放的深化,中国外交既需要国际制度的内化,也要有央地关系的优化,以实现对外关系和国内发展的相互促进。  相似文献   

16.
Pekka Sutela 《欧亚研究》2007,59(1):137-162
Until the end of 1990, Finland was the only developed market economy to trade with the USSR on a bilateral clearing basis. It was also, so it is widely believed in Finland, the only one among the neighbours of the Soviet Union to benefit greatly economically from this trade. This article does not aim to clarify whether such beliefs are well grounded in fact, but rather to look at the beliefs themselves. To do that, we examine a large amount of so-called grey literature: memoirs, biographies and fiction, but not research proper in economics or economic history. Belief in the benefits of Eastern Trade has been widely held in Finland, but there have always been sceptics as well. The materials used offer many insights, for instance, into the character of Eastern Trade, negotiations procedures, pricing and quality issues, relations between the counterparts, as well as the implications of COCOM restrictions of trade by a neutral country.  相似文献   

17.
With rapid economic growth, China has become its neighbours’ largest trade partner in the twenty-first century. At the same time, the growth of China’s military and its assertiveness are raising concerns among its neighbours that China’s rise will pose a threat to them. In this context, will China’s neighbours—Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, and South Korea—view China positively or negatively? By using statistical analysis, this paper aims to explore whether individuals are more affected by their economic position or national security concerns when they view China. The findings in this article suggest that individuals’ security concerns have stronger associations with their attitudes toward China than economic conditions. Specifically, individuals’ views on China’s military growth and territorial disputes had negative effects on their attitudes toward China. On the other hand, economic interests had weaker associations with individuals’ views of China than security concerns.  相似文献   

18.
入世后中国的经济外交步入新的阶段,开始寻求在现行国际经济体系的框架下影响国际经济规则。中国在推动多边经济谈判进程、推行自由贸易区战略、应对国际经济摩擦、能源外交及"走出去"战略等方面大力践行经济外交。全球金融危机对中国外交政策环境带来重大变化,中国经济外交面临进一步提升的机遇,同时也必须经历战略性的调整和转型。在后金融危机时代,中国的经济外交需要兼顾海外直接投资与金融资产的全球配置,从原先侧重于贸易、投资等局部性、领域性问题向体系层面的建构和协调发展,立足东亚贸易自由化以及金融协同化进程,推动多边贸易体系、国际金融体系朝向更为公平、稳定、平衡的方向发展。  相似文献   

19.
In this article we first point out that the different conceptualisations of Fair Trade, which are sometimes analytically contradictory, actually form a coordinated set. Understanding the Fair Trade project is impossible without taking these interlinked conceptualisations into consideration. Second, this set basically forms a mechanism of structural, institutional and moral reforms that guide actions. In this way Fair Trade sets out to produce less injustice than is usually the case with the structures and institutions that govern conventional trade. Nevertheless, it does not try to define what a just society is or even to perfectly define ‘fair trade’. This implies the adoption of a comparative justice angle. It is precisely by linking comparative individual situations with the structures that produce these situations that relative justice can find its strength and purpose.  相似文献   

20.
The EU has loudly voiced its intention to facilitate poverty reduction and democratisation in North Africa. In particular, it seeks to conclude Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements (DCFTAs) with Tunisia, Morocco and Egypt. These are seen as a vital response to the Arab Spring – integrating North African countries into the globalised economy. Applying a moral economy perspective, this article argues, however, that, while ‘Normative Power Europe’ seeks to build more tranquil societies in the region, its trade policies nevertheless threaten to exacerbate poverty and social unrest. The prospect of de-industrialisation in the wake of FTAs will do much to entrench economic asymmetries between the European metropole and its neighbours.  相似文献   

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