全球卫生治理的背景、特点与挑战

新型冠状病毒、埃博拉病毒以及寨卡病毒等新发和复发传染病危机对全球卫生安全构成严重威胁。卫生问题不仅已成为全球发展的重要议题,而且日益占据国际政治和外交的优先议程。在全球化深入发展的背景下,公共卫生危机的频发和扩散对全球卫生治理提出了更高的要求。当前,全球卫生治理呈现出治理行为体多元化、治理层次多维化、治理形式多样化的特点。与此同时,全球卫生治理也面临卫生问题政治化、协调机制碎片化、多边机制双边化等挑战。只有秉持人类命运共同体理念,摒弃"建墙"和"甩锅"思维,坚持以世界卫生组织为主导的多边主义,持续加强全球卫生治理与合作,才是国际社会增进人类健康福祉的正确努力方向。     

小国的规范倡导:丹麦的绿色外交实践北大核心CSSCI

进入21世纪以来,丹麦在外交上积极地采取基于价值观的行动,同时也致力于在国际社会中推动绿色转型与可持续发展议程:不仅通过主办联合国哥本哈根气候峰会来积极协调全球气候多边治理,而且在欧盟框架内进行政策倡导,表达推动绿色转型的政治意愿和社会支持。此外,还通过策略性联盟与互动,建构包括全球绿色增长峰会在内的小多边合作机制。这种绿色外交实践体现了小国对规范性秩序的追求,也是其国内政府主体、市场力量与国际合作伙伴良性联动的结果。在更深层次上,丹麦在近代政治进程中发展出的协调的资本主义政治经济结构和基于协商、妥协和联盟的政治文化,为其在绿色转型领域的规范性权力聚积提供了制度和规范基础。丹麦的绿色外交实践表明,在国际秩序的不对称性及无政府状态下,小国是可以在国际和区域层面采取规范性的倡导行动。     

试论中国伙伴关系网络的政治安全效应

传统观点普遍认为,伙伴关系外交在维护国家安全方面作用有限。但笔者依据实证研究发现,目前基本成型的中国全球伙伴关系网络具有重要且广泛的政治安全效应。作为外交实践发展的产物,中国的全球伙伴关系网络既是双边关系的集合,有类别之分但无等级差异,也能在多边舞台促进各类合作机制和合作阵线的形成。其具体的政治安全效应包括:中国的主张和诉求获得有效传播和各国认同,一个尊重中国政治安全利益的全球共识网络初具规模;中俄的"网状伙伴外交"蓬勃发展,吸纳更多国家一道维护世界与区域的政治安全;加快"一带一路"倡议的实施,推动发展伙伴与安全伙伴的并进;向美国传递出一系列清晰信息,促使其更加理性客观地看待中国的战略意图。笔者最后提出,中国的全球伙伴关系网络有望在国际安全领域衍生出更多共识网络、机制网络和支点国家网络。     

论碳外交与多边经贸外交的协调共进——以应对气候变化为视角

当前的外交领域尤以多边环境和多边经贸外交为重。以《联合国气候变化框架公约》为起点的应对气候变化领域的多边环境协议通过碳外交谈判的形式创造了减排温室气体的原则和框架体系,形成了激励不同发展层级的国家积极参与全球环境治理的灵活机制。同时,随着全球金融动荡引发的经济衰退不断加深,发达国家以应对气候变化为借口采取的以碳税为代表的新贸易保护主义又开始抬头,使既有的多边经贸规则面临冲击。因此,有必要将多边环境和多边经贸这两个外交领域的交叉问题通盘考虑,通过外交政策协调,促进应对气候变化的多变环境协议与维护自由贸易的世界贸易组织规则的完善,在保障国家利益的同时,实现国际环境治理和国际自由贸易的健康发展。     

全球抗击新冠肺炎疫情：国际合作与路径选择

新冠肺炎疫情全球蔓延,导致了全球经济衰退,加剧了民族主义倾向和逆全球化趋势,给国际社会带来复杂深远影响。同时,全球贫富分化态势在疫情之下更加严峻,传统多边合作机制无法有效应对包括传染性疾病在内的诸多全球性问题。面对肆虐全球的疫情,国际社会应积极推动构建"有序全球化"和现代化全球治理体系,坚持多边主义,提升全球治理能力,将人类命运共同体理念贯穿始终。全球性大国也应在特殊时期更好地发挥引领作用、强化责任担当。     

六方会谈与朝鲜弃核：多边主义为什么能发挥作用？

自2003年8月第一轮朝核问题六方会谈启动之后,政治与外交解决朝核问题的多边进程曾长期处于停滞局面。2007年"213共同文件"和"103共同文件"的签署打破僵局,以"去功能化"为导向的弃核进程开始启动。尽管未来六方会谈机制仍可能遭遇坎坷,但多边主义在解决东北亚棘手的地区安全热点问题上已展示了强大的生命力。本文认为,在东北亚地区安全合作中,多边主义进程的"问题解决能力"应优先于"制度建设"。而大国间的政策协调与合作,是保障安全领域多边主义合作发展的基础。     

社会组织"走出去"与外交统筹能力提升

中国社会组织对外开展民生合作和国际公益活动,是实现民心相通的重要桥梁。要服务好社会组织"走出去",必须进一步提升中国外交的统筹协调能力。通过政府对社会组织相关活动的政治引领、在多边外交中与社会组织的立体配合、加强对社会组织海外活动的本地支撑等,社会组织的国际活动才能更好地融入到中国特色大国外交的总体布局中。     

国际组织中的国家话语权

国际组织与国家行为体存在密切的互动关系,这不仅体现在国际组织的运行中,而且体现在有关国家保持或增强制度性话语权的对外战略之中。制度性话语权是一种结构性权力,代表一方通过国际制度框架内的规则、程序以及对规则和程序的塑造,以指引、约束他者行动(或非行动)的能力。作为国际组织的成员,各方的地位和角色、话语权和影响力并非均匀分布于国际组织的建立与运行中,各国家行为体能够在不同程度上影响国际组织的制度设计、议程设置和互动理念。在上述承载着制度性话语权的不同层面,国家实力因素显然是造成分布差异的原因之一,而多边外交能力在制度性话语权的形成与分配进程中也发挥着关键作用。国家实力因素的影响往往在某些特定历史时刻譬如当下的"权力转移"进程中尤为关键,多边外交能力则突出表现为国家行为体进行制度谈判的策略和能力。包括中国在内的新兴国家必须高度重视多边外交能力建设,尤其是国际组织中的话语传播能力、制度谈判能力、人员配置能力,保持国家角色定位的客观性与角色实践的主动性。     

新冠肺炎疫情与全球卫生外交

卫生议题与外交的融合以及全球卫生外交的兴起是全球化的必然结果。此次新冠肺炎疫情带来的全球性危机表明,人类大家庭已经形成了一个安危与共、守望相助的命运共同体。各国实施的各种疫情防控政策和行动凸显了全球卫生外交所面临的问题,反映了全球卫生外交在未来全球化进程中的发展方向。卫生议题与外交手段的结合把卫生和健康问题提到国家政治议程的前列,从政治层面促进国家间的合作,有利于加速实现全球卫生健康目标。但是,一些国家利用卫生议题追求政治目标,这种将卫生问题政治化的行为,阻碍了国际合作,制约了卫生问题的解决。此次新冠肺炎疫情将提升全球卫生外交的地位,使之成为未来外交学研究和外交实践的重要领域。     

联合国、二十国集团与全球发展治理

随着新兴大国的崛起、新型全球问题的突显和新式多边机制的形成,全球治理体系和格局正经历着重大变革,全球治理的理念、机制和能力面临诸多挑战。联合国曾实施"四个发展十年"战略、千年发展目标等全球发展治理行动,2030年可持续发展议程为全球发展治理理念、目标和手段的转型提供了契机。二十国集团杭州峰会应紧紧围绕发展这一核心问题,在治理上作文章,推动二十国集团从危机应对机制和国际经济合作首要论坛转型为全球发展治理平台,并进一步提升全球发展治理的能力。联合国与二十国集团在全球发展治理中分别发挥基础性和引领性作用,双方可以通过共享发展议程、共建发展秩序,形成合作共治的关系,以完善全球发展治理体系。     

New Development in Global Politics and Rethinking on China’s Multilateral Diplomacy

The new developments in global politics exert three systemic impacts on international relations. Global issues, vital to the survival of mankind, rise to the top agenda of national governments. The epicenter of global power is shifting from U.S. and Europe to the rest of the regions. The global "political excitement and zeal" is rolling on. All exact more on the competence of global governance. The current international multilateral mechanisms are in "competence deficit", worsening either in terms of adequacy, validity or legitimacy. The call for the reform of it is ever soaring. China by the way is at once engaging in the multilateral diplomacy transforming the international system and facing the growing pressure of assuming "leadership" and "international responsibility". China needs to continuously adapt to the changed national identity in the multilateral diplomacy, to reconcile the multilateral mechanisms that deal with regions and domains in China’s strategic planning and laying-out, to organically associate the short-term and long-term goals and to upgrade the concept of harmonious world in the practice of multilateral diplomacy.     

入世后中国经济外交的战略转型与政策调整

入世后中国的经济外交步入新的阶段,开始寻求在现行国际经济体系的框架下影响国际经济规则。中国在推动多边经济谈判进程、推行自由贸易区战略、应对国际经济摩擦、能源外交及"走出去"战略等方面大力践行经济外交。全球金融危机对中国外交政策环境带来重大变化,中国经济外交面临进一步提升的机遇,同时也必须经历战略性的调整和转型。在后金融危机时代,中国的经济外交需要兼顾海外直接投资与金融资产的全球配置,从原先侧重于贸易、投资等局部性、领域性问题向体系层面的建构和协调发展,立足东亚贸易自由化以及金融协同化进程,推动多边贸易体系、国际金融体系朝向更为公平、稳定、平衡的方向发展。     

试析中国的多边制度外交——以中国参与国际反贪腐制度为例

近十多年中国参与了诸多国际制度,中国参与多边制度外交是审视中国多边外交的视角之一。中国在参与国际反贪腐制度时采用了更加灵活多元的多边外交方式,体现了中国多边外交从形式到理念的新特点。     

“泛安全化陷阱”及其跨越

安全概念及其适用范围是国际关系学界长期以来争论的焦点之一。冷战结束后,传统安全的边界被打破,非传统安全领域议题越来越多地占据国家安全和国际关系议题的中心地位。国家行为体追求绝对安全状态和无节制扩充安全议题,可能造成资源的错配和浪费,导致国内政治的保守化和国际交往的封闭趋向,最终反而不利于实现安全目标,从而掉入“泛安全化陷阱”。当前,国际上少数国家表面上以“国家安全”为由干扰国际合作,实则推行单边主义和保护主义政策,对全球多边主义秩序规则、国际合作、大国关系造成严重冲击,其消极影响不可低估。党的十八大以来,中国的安全体系和能力建设取得了重要成就,形成了总体国家安全观的理论体系。作为新兴大国,中国同时面临复杂的安全形势和较大的发展压力。中国应以总体国家安全观为指导,理性平衡好安全与开放、发展之间的关系,审慎塑造安全议程,防止落入“泛安全化陷阱”。同时,中国在国际上应坚决反对滥用安全概念的行为,在新兴全球性议题上高举合作旗帜,推动经济全球化和国际关系民主化的持续发展,积极推动国际安全治理机制改革和创新,为构建人类命运共同体凝聚广泛共识和作出积极贡献。     

Russia and the Secession of Kosovo: Power,Norms and the Failure of Multilateralism

Theoretical debates about multilateralism positively juxtapose it to unilateralism or bilateralism, because it is seen as a natural ideational fit with the growth of global governance. The major schism on the concept is between normativists who emphasise shared values and the realists' concerns with strategic interactions and power asymmetries. The Kosovo crisis beginning in 1999 could be seen as the first major crisis of multilateralism in the international system after the end of the Cold War. It was a crisis about the role and interests of a hegemonic USA and a weakened Russia. As a case, Kosovo demonstrates the paradoxes and limitations of multilateralism in the field of international security, when there are different types and levels of multilateralism interacting. The US and EU leaderships saw Kosovo as essentially a regional problem which could be manipulated to rejuvenate and enhance Western multilateral cooperation in NATO. This view found support among an upper echelon of officials in the UN, surrounding Secretary-General Kofi Annan, which favoured a multilateral intervention in Kosovo as proof of commitment to the developing norm of ‘right to protect’. Russia, however, saw its multilateral engagement over Kosovo as a strategic interaction to counterbalance and compensate for its weakness vis-à-vis NATO. The multilateral interactions by these three parties appear to have deepened mistrust as the process failed to resolve the final status of Kosovo, leading to its unilateral declaration of independence in 2008. The case demonstrates the importance of shared interests for successful multilateral interactions.     

Money-laundering in Southeast Asia: liberalism and governmentality at work

This article discusses the diffusion of a regulatory system against money-laundering in Southeast Asia. To this end, the article reconstructs how the Financial Action Task Force has securitised the issue of money-laundering into a global problem requiring a global solution and how this has spread to developing nations. The article seeks to demonstrate how these international norms and practices spread and are transformed into national law within Southeast Asia. The article further shows that these transformations reflect an increasing level of multilateral cooperation within the region and that this phenomena can be better understood as the articulation of a global expression of governmentality where a set of strategies and policing techniques emerges to effect control.     

全球公共产品视角下的中国国际发展合作

中国的对外援助事业随国际、国内形势而变化。近年来官方对国际发展合作的重视不仅促成中国对外援助指导思想的转变,也为对外援助向国际发展合作转型奠定了理念基础。中国为发展合作提供全球公共产品的实践不断丰富:一是基于本国成功经验而开展的减贫国际合作成为重要公共产品,二是通过创新农业技术合作方式为解决全球粮食安全问题提供更多公共产品,三是借助三方合作更好地创新公共产品供给模式,四是持续加强全球卫生公共产品供给。中国对外援助在取得积极成效的同时,也面临经济、技术实力有限、援助项目可持续性不足、受援国国家治理与互不干涉内政之间协调困难、国际发展合作的话语权有待提升等挑战。未来,中国应注重从制度建设、资金筹集、可持续性提升、受援国能动性发挥、国际话语权提升等方面做更充分准备。     

From ‘gender equality and ‘women’s empowerment’ to global justice: reclaiming a transformative agenda for gender and development

The language of ‘gender equality’ and ‘women’s empowerment’ was mobilised by feminists in the 1980s and 1990s as a way of getting women’s rights onto the international development agenda. Their efforts can be declared a resounding success. The international development industry has fully embraced these terms. From international NGOs to donor governments to multilateral agencies the language of gender equality and women’s empowerment is a pervasive presence and takes pride of place among their major development priorities. And yet, this article argues, the fact that these terms have been eviscerated of conceptual and political bite compromises their use as the primary frame through which to demand rights and justice. Critically examining the trajectories of these terms in development, the article suggests that if the promise of the post-2015 agenda is to deliver on gender justice, new frames are needed, which can connect with and contribute to a broader movement for global justice.     

Catching the ‘Shanghai Spirit’: How the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Promotes Authoritarian Norms in Central Asia

This article examines how the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) seeks to undermine democratisation in Central Asia. Prior studies of the interplay between international organisations and democracy have tended to examine only one half of this relationship: whether, how, and under what circumstances do international organisations promote democracy? However, the opposite has been largely ignored: how do international organisations sustain autocracy? Authoritarian governments are increasingly adopting policies aimed at preserving their political power and the SCO represents an additional strategy in this regard: utilising multilateral cooperation to defend themselves against regional or global democratic trends. As such, the ‘Shanghai Spirit’ may be a sign of things to come as autocratic leaders become more bold in their rejection of democratic norms.     

Patents and pills,power and procedure: The North-South politics of public health in the WTO

Developing countries have limited control over the distributional and substantive dimensions of international institutions, but they retain an important stake in a rule-based international order that can reduce uncertainty and stabilize expectations. Because international institutions can provide small states with a potential mechanism to bind more powerful states to mutually recognized rules, developing countries may seek to strengthen the procedural dimensions of multilateral institutions. Clear and strong multilateral rules cannot substitute for weakness, but they can help ameliorate some of the vulnerability that is a product of developing countries’ position in the international system. This article uses the contemporary international politics of intellectual property rights (IPRs) as a lens to examine North-South conflicts over international economic governance and the possibilities of institutional reform. Lacking the power to revise the substance of the World Trade Organization’s Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), developing countries, allied with a network of international public health activists, subsequently designed strategies to operate within the constraining international political reality they faced. They sought to clarify the rules of international patent law, to affirm the rights established during the TRIPS negotiations, and to minimize vulnerability to opportunism by powerful states. In doing so the developing countries reinforced global governance in IPRs. Ken Shadlen is lecturer in development studies at the London School of Economics. He is the author ofDemocratization without Representation: The Politics of Small Industry in Mexico (Penn State University Press, 2004). His work on the politics of intellectual property has appeared inWorld Economy, and is forthcoming inInternational Studies Quarterly, Journal of International Development, andReview of International Political Economy. In preparing this paper I have benefited from discussions of the material with a number of people, including Tom Callaghy, Meghnad Desai, Tim Dyson, Christopher Garrison, Marcus Kurtz, Susan Martin, Christopher May, Monique Mrazek, Andrew Schrank, and Robert Wade. I also wish to thank the journal’s reviewers for their helpful and constructive comments. Financial support was provided by STICERD, LSE.