影响高校思想政治理论课教学实效性原因探析——以重庆工商大学调查为例

当前高校思想政治理论课教学取得了一定的成效,但还存在一些问题。影响高校思想政治理论课教学实效性的原因有：大学生对思想政治理论课重要性和必要性缺乏正确认识是内在原因;大学生对不和谐的社会现象缺乏正确判断,用人单位选拔人才的功利标准是外部原因;大学生对思想政治理论课的教学内容缺乏认同感是重要原因;思想政治理论课单一的教学模式使大学生缺乏学习的积极性是直接原因;思想政治理论课现行考核方式的单一是根本原因;思想政治理论课教师的综合素质还有待提高是关键原因。     

新形势下高校思想政治理论课实效性研究

思想政治理论课是高校大学生的必修课，它是对大学生进行系统思想政治教育的主渠道。近年来，思想政治理论课课程设置和教学内容进行了多次较大的调整和更新。在这个过程中，思想政治理论课建设取得了长足的进步，在培养大学生成为社会主义事业的建设者和接班入方面，发挥着越来越重要的作用。但是，在新形势下，高校思想政治理论课教学的实效性仍有待研究。笔者分析了新形势下研究高校思想政治理论课实效性的现实意义，从现状和存在的问题出发，从三个方面阐述了增强高校思想政治理论课实效性的途径。     

当代大学生中华民族认同感研究——基于对重庆市大学生的调查

我们在重庆市高校展开了思想政治理论课对培育大学生中华民族认同感的现状调研,并运用SPSS分析软件,指出当前大学生中华民族认同存在的问题,并分析当代大学生中华民族认同感存在问题的原因,为后续运用思想政治教育实践教学提升大学生中华民族认同感提出解决途径与方法。     

高校思想政治理论课教学改革探微

加强和改进大学生思想政治理论课教学,要创新教育理念,提高大学生对思想政治理论课的重要性和必要性认识;要创新教学内容,增强思想政治理论课教学的针对性和实效性;要创新课堂教学模式,增强思想政治理论课教学的吸引力和感染力.结合思想政治理论课程的教学目标、教学内容、教学方法以及教学载体几个方面,论述了当前高校思想政治理论课程改革的有效途径.     

新形势下推进90后大学生对马克思主义中国化认同感的思考

90后大学生独特的心理特性给高校思想政治教育工作提出了新的挑战,如何创新高校思想政治教育,与时俱进,不断推进大学生对马克思主义中国化的认同感,在实践中培养和造就一大批青年马克思主义者,已成为高校思想政治教育工作的新课题。     

高校思想政治理论课教育教学的调查研究

高校思想政治理论课教学针对性与实效性不理想的困扰一直普遍存在,改善思想政治理论课的教学现状,进一步深化教学环节、教学方法的改革以适应新时期的要求是目前高校思政教学的重要任务。应该以人为本,结合大学生实际,切实加强高校思想政治理论课师资队伍建设,积极推进高校思想政治理论课课程改革,积极探索与创新高校思想政治理论课实践教学模式,实现课程针对性与实效性并举。     

大学生学校认同感、归属感影响因素探究

大学生学校认同感、归属感,是指学生对大学校园环境、高校的学习生活、学生自身参与学校的各种学术活动和科研实践,以及大学生在与高校共同的价值观基础上,产生对学校历史、文化传统、人文气息、科研成果的自豪感。同时,受到高校文化气息及管理制度的熏陶,使得学生对自己内在价值的判断和评估,从而产生对学校这一组织群体高度认同的一种归属感,并在行动上自觉维护学校的荣誉,即使离校后始终对学校的文化传统保持忠诚。     

关于大学生爱国主义思想状况的调查与分析——以四川工程职业技术学院为例

加强高校思想政治理论课对大学生爱国主义教育的实效性,必须切实掌握当前大学生爱国主义精神状况。调查组以问卷调查方式对大学生的爱国主义精神进行了调查。调查表明,多数大学生有着正确、积极、健康向上的爱国主义认知,对于高校思想政治理论课的爱国主义教育方式和内容有着较高认可度,部分大学生存在爱国主义认知单薄和错位的情况。因此,必须不断改进高校思想政治理论课的教学内容和方式,找准爱国主义教育的切入点,提高高校思想政治理论课的吸引力、感染力。     

生态德育融入高校思想政治理论课教学的探索

高校思想政治理论课教学中融入生态道德教育是当今不少大学生生态道德意识缺失的现实要求,也是高校思想政治理论课完成教学使命与增强时效性的要求。生态道德教育融入高校思想政治理论课教学的路径选择是:生态道德教育融入高校思想政治理论课各科课程的教学内容中;立足校园的生态文化建设和日常生活,培养大学生的生态德性养成;充分利用高校社团的教育资源,通过课外实践活动开辟第二课堂。     

浅谈案例教学在思想政治理论课中的运用

高校思想政治理论课是对大学生进行思想政治教育的主渠道和主阵地,但我国高校思想政治理论课的实效性普遍都不强,通过对案例教学分析和研究,可以尝试通过案例教学的方式来提高思想政治理论课的实效性.     

政治认同

人们在社会政治生活中产生的一种感情和意识上的归属感。它与人们的心理活动有密切的关系。人们在一定社会中生活．总要在一定的社会联系中确定自己的身份，如把自己看作是某一政党的党员、某一阶级的成员、某一政治过程的参与者或某一政治信念的追求者等等．并自觉地以组织及过程的要求来规范自己的政治行为。这种现象就是政治认同。     

Generational changes and party identification

The party identification of nonblack voters, separated by region, is examined within three broadly bounded cohorts or political generations consisting of those whose first votes were cast prior to 1932, those of the New Deal era whose first votes were cast between 1932 and 1964, and the post-New Deal generation who have come of voting age since 1964. Inter- and intragenerational comparisons are presented for three political eras reflected in NES data: 1952–60, 1964–76, and 1980–88. Outside the South, the post-New Deal generation was more pro-Democratic in the period 1964–76 than was the older New Deal generation. However, they also led the surge away from the Democrats and to the Republican party between 1980 and 1988. Nevertheless, in the latter period they were less dominantly Republican than were the members of the New Deal generation. In the South the better educated voters of the post-New Deal generation led the realignment that largely eroded the Democratic plurality between 1960 and 1988. Nationally, the policy preferences of the post-New Deal generation in the 1980s further polarized party differences between Democrats and Republicans. This occurred largely because of the substantially greater liberal cast of post-New Deal Democrats' preferences. On other issues, party differences were maintained, but Republicans as well as Independents and Democrats in the post-New Deal generation exhibited visibly more liberal preferences than did their older partisan counterparts in the New Deal generation.     

Party identification and campaign dynamics

This paper considers the role of party identification in the 1988 Canadian General Election campaign, using data drawn mainly from a rolling cross section survey. Canadians exhibited party commitments remarkably like those we have come to expect for U.S. respondents. These commitments shaped respondents' reaction to the events of the campaign: Issue positions lined up with party identification, as did perceptions of the one leader rehabilitated by the campaign. But the campaign also cut through party groups. Such a mixture of reinforcement and displacement might well typify campaigns in Canada and elsewhere. The paper concludes by arguing that academic observers in the United States should take campaigns more seriously than they have to date and that they should consider adopting some of the measurement and analysis strategies of the 1988 Canadian study.Data in this paper are drawn from the 1988 Canadian Election Study, for which the author is the principal investigator. Coinvestigators are André Blais, Henry E. Brady, and Jean Crête. Support for the study was supplied by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Fieldwork was carried out by the Institute for Social Research, York University, under the direction of David Northrup. Henry Brady was, as usual, an invaluable sounding board and source of advice. None of these individuals or institutions can be held responsible for analyses or interpretations in this paper.     

A multidimensional conceptualization of party identification

The standard treatment of party identification makes several untested assumptions, especially that citizens can identify with only a single party and that political independence is just the opposite of partisanship. A more general possibility is that several attitudes must be taken into account: attitudes toward the Republican party, the Democratic party, political independence, and political parties generally. A literal reading of the usual party identification is consistent with this multidimensional interpretation. Citizen ratings of the two parties turn out to be virtually uncorrelated, as are ratings of independence and political parties, confirming this multidimensional view. Strength of identification and strength of independence are separate in this model, which explains some of the anomalies in the current literature, including intransitivities in relationships with other variables and weak correlations involving independence. New questions included in the 1980 CPS National Election Study support this interpretation and provide a new understanding of political independence.     

Personality traits and party identification over time

Why do some people stably identify with a party while others do not? This study tests whether and how the direction, stability and strength of party identification are associated with big five personality traits, using panel data from a representative sample of German citizens. First, the study confirms that personality traits are related to identification with different political parties. Second, it moves beyond previous research by showing that personality traits are related to the strength and variation in party identification over time. The implications of the study for the classical perspectives on party identification, as well as the personality and politics literature, are discussed.     

Measurement and the dynamics of party identification

Recent work has questioned the conclusions of the revisionist model of party identification. One central issue concerns the measurement of party identification. According to the critics, the research showing that partisanship is responsive to other political evaluations is in error because of peculiarities of measurement. I test this assertion by considering the effects that changes in measurement have on estimates of the dynamics of party identification. The results strongly support the original revisionist conclusions. The findings of responsiveness of party identification to evaluations of party issue positions are quite robust in the face of alternative measures of party identification.     

Party identification and party closeness in comparative perspective

The present analysis uses data from 1974 and 1981 U. S. cross sections, which incorporate a panel, to compare the standard NES measure of party identification (ID) with a measure of partisanship derived from a party closeness question widely employed in cross-national research. Important features of the two scales are examined by transforming the closeness measure into a scale of very close, fairly close, not very close, and no preference corresponding to the seven-point ID scale. The scales are highly correlated and are similar in their reliability. More than 75% of the independents in the ID scale choose a party in the closeness version, and over half of these select the fairly close category. Respondents do not volunteer that they are independents when that alternative is not stated in the question.     

Compulsory voting and the dynamics of partisan identification

Compulsory rules are known to have far‐reaching effects beyond boosting electoral participation rates. This article examines the relationship between compulsory voting and partisan attachments. A theory of attachment formation and strength is engaged that argues that compulsory voting boosts the likelihood that one will identify with a party and, in turn, the strength of party attachments among identifiers. The statistical model accounts for both the hierarchical structure of the data (individuals in elections) and the dual nature of the dependent variable (individuals report a strength of attachment only for the party with which they identify). Using data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, it is demonstrated that compulsory voting does indeed increase both the incidence and the strength of partisanship.     

Is group memebership a prerequisite for group identification?

The purpose of this research is to examine the theoretical considerations and empirical evidence for the operationalization of an important concept. I attempt to determine if group membership is a necessary condition for group identification and discuss the role of group identifications for translating political interests into political preferences.