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1.
Esther Turnhout 《Policy Sciences》2009,42(1):57-72
In policy analysis, studies on policy termination are rare. This article offers such a study. It presents the story of how,
despite attempts by the government to terminate it, Dutch nature policy on ecological corridors continued to be implemented
by regional governments and in the field. A case analysis is presented that integrates theories and insights not only from
the termination literature but also from the literature on implementation. The different factors identified in the literature
that enable or constrain implementation and termination have served as a basis for developing possible explanations of the
case study. They cannot, however, serve as generic theories with predictive power. Policy termination as well as policy implementation
are highly contextual processes and the question which factors will enable or constrain policy termination and implementation
can only be answered on a case by case basis.
相似文献
Esther TurnhoutEmail: |
2.
Charles Herrick 《Policy Sciences》2009,42(3):195-210
Open access to public information is a hallmark of American political culture; however, the terrorist attacks on and before
September 11, 2001 have prompted a reevaluation of how “freedom of information” should be balanced against the need for enhanced
homeland security. This essay begins with a summary of legislative and executive actions that have led to restriction of environmental
and health-related information formerly available to the public. Drawing on studies of disaster behavior, it is argued that
citizen responders may be significantly hampered by restriction of environmental and public health-related information formerly
available by means of public access web sites. The Lasswellian policy decision process is examined to explore the basis for a balancing test for agencies contemplating restriction of information related to environmental
and public health-related threats. It is suggested that the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) implement guidance for federal
agencies in weighing decisions concerning the public status of information.
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Charles HerrickEmail: |
3.
Catherine Simpson Bueker 《Society》2009,46(5):423-428
Policy makers tend to focus on the extension of citizenship as the primary means by which new populations become incorporated
into a society. Although acquiring formal citizenship is necessary in order to participate in many aspects of a state's civic,
social, and political life, the extension of legal citizenship is far from a guarantee for full membership. Instead of focusing
exclusively on naturalizing immigrants, we need to consider T.H. Marshall's three spheres of citizenship—the civil, political,
and social. By extending social elements of citizenship prior to or at the same time as we extend other benefits, we will
move towards more complete citizenship for and greater civil and political engagement among all residents in our society—non-citizens,
naturalized, and native-born, alike.
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Catherine Simpson BuekerEmail: |
4.
This article offers a thorough analysis of the unintended impact economic sanctions have on political repression—referred
to in this study as the level of the government respect for democratic freedoms and human rights. We argue that economic coercion
is a counterproductive policy tool that reduces the level of political freedoms in sanctioned countries. Instead of coercing
the sanctioned regime into reforming itself, sanctions inadvertently enhance the regime’s coercive capacity and create incentives
for the regime’s leadership to commit political repression. Cross-national time series data support our argument, confirming
that the continued use of economic sanctions (even when aimed at promoting political liberalization and respect for human
rights) will increase the level of political repression. These findings suggest that both scholars and policy makers should
pay more attention to the externalities caused by economic coercion.
相似文献
A. Cooper DruryEmail: |
5.
Peter Augustine Lawler 《Society》2009,46(3):227-231
Callahan is wrong to be pro-death, but he’s right to say that to live well—or for society to have a real future—we have to
care about more than mere life. Futile attempts to stop the pursuit of extreme personal prolongevity are contrary to our rights-based
way of life. It’s also contrary to human love and dignity to regard the old as a threat.
相似文献
Peter Augustine LawlerEmail: |
6.
Relying on rarely analyzed public opinion data from the 1930s and early 1940s, we take issue with the notion popular in contemporary
liberal circles that the New Deal era represented a period of expansive commitment to the security and well-being of the poor
and politically disenfranchised. At least where the public is concerned—as opposed to the progressive policy makers in the
Roosevelt administration—the jobless were regarded with suspicion, immigrants should be forced to “go home,” women belong
in the kitchen not on the shop floor. The harsher the economic conditions (by state), the more conservative were the public
attitudes. Hence New Deal legislative victories accrued despite rather than because of public support.
相似文献
Elisabeth JacobsEmail: |
7.
Collective Action and Citizen Responses to Global Warming 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper expands the relevance of the collective interest model of mass political action to explain collective-action behavior
in the context of global warming and climate change. The analysis is an attempt to answer Ostrom’s call for a behavioral model
of collective action that can be generalized beyond political protest to other collective-action problems. We elaborate, specify,
and empirically test a collective interest model approach to citizen policy support, environmental political participation,
and environmental behavior related to the issue of global warming. Key elements of the collective interest model—perceived
risk, personal efficacy, and environmental values—are found to be directly, and positively, related to support of government
policies and personal behaviors that affect global warming. We also discuss the links between the collective interest model
and other important approaches to political behavior.
相似文献
Arnold VedlitzEmail: |
8.
Ryan L. Claassen 《Political Behavior》2007,29(3):369-390
To date, most models of policy motivated campaign participation claim participation derives from the intensity or extremism
of one’s policy views. I approach the policy motivation differently, generalizing the logic of proximity voting to model policy
motivated campaign participation. Modeling participation as a function of extremism captures the activist’s policy preferences
and suggests those with strong preferences participate more, while modeling participation as a function of proximity captures
both the activist’s policy preferences and the relevant comparisons to the positions of the candidates. Noting the two alternatives
lead to different predictions about variation in individual participation beyond turnout (e.g. campaign activities), I find
consistent support for a proximity model of activism and I find no independent effect of extremism once I control for proximity.
Moreover, the proximity model’s predictions about ideological responsiveness to changes in the candidates’ locations over
time prove robust, while predictions based solely on ideological extremism do not.
相似文献
Ryan L. ClaassenEmail: |
9.
Well over $1 billion was spent on televised political advertising in the U.S. in 2004. Given the ubiquity of the 30 second
spot, one might presume that ads must affect viewers’ vote choices. Somewhat surprisingly, though, scholars have yet to make
much progress in confirming this claim. In this paper, we leverage a comprehensive dataset that tracks political ads in the
nation’s top media markets and a survey of presidential and U.S. Senate voters in 2004. We ask whether exposure to presidential
and Senate advertising influences voters’ evaluations of candidates and the choices that they make at the ballot box. In the
end, we find considerable evidence that advertising persuades—and that its impact varies depending on the characteristics
of the viewer.
相似文献
Travis N. RidoutEmail: |
10.
We report the results of an experiment designed to replicate and extend recent findings on motivated political reasoning.
In particular, we are interested in disconfirmation biases—the tendency to counter-argue or discount information with which
one disagrees—in the processing of political arguments on policy issues. Our experiment examines 8 issues, including some
of local relevance and some of national relevance, and manipulates the presentation format of the policy arguments. We find
strong support for our basic disconfirmation hypothesis: people seem unable to ignore their prior beliefs when processing
arguments or evidence. We also find that this bias is moderated by political sophistication and strength of prior attitude.
We do not find, however, that argument type matters, suggesting that motivated biases are quite robust to changes in argument
format. Finally, we find strong support for the polarization of attitudes as a consequence of biased processing.
相似文献
Charles S. TaberEmail: |
11.
Dennis T. Avery 《Society》2007,44(6):137-143
High-yield farming—more agricultural output per acre of farmland—has been a boon to mankind and to nature. If today’s agricultural
efficiency was the same as in the 1950s, the world would need three times the cropland to produce today’s food supply. That
would mean that 15-16 million mi2 of forest would have been destroyed—all the global forest area available today. Rising population and increased affluence
will require a tripling of agricultural efficiency in the next 50 years if we are to protect wildlife at the same time. More
investment in agricultural research and education will be required, but this is what produced the previous green revolution.
相似文献
Dennis T. AveryEmail: |
12.
This conceptual paper seeks to advance neo-institutional work that has traditionally portrayed environmental and social protection
policies as constraints followed by businesses. Drawing from the policy sciences literature, we propose that in the United
States, businesses tend to show increasing resistance as the protective policy process moves from initiation to selection
and growing cooperation thereafter. Most importantly, we also contribute to the neo-institutional theory literature by positing
that this inverted U-shaped policy process–business response relationship proposed for the U.S. context may be moderated by
variations in the level of democracy, system of interest representation, regulatory approach, and national income.
相似文献
Mark StarikEmail: |
13.
Luis E. Lugo 《Society》2007,44(6):109-112
Americans are not as religiously divided on foreign policy questions as they are over such hot-button, culture war domestic
issues as abortion and gay marriage. Nevertheless, surveys suggest that Americans’ attitudes on several foreign policy fronts
are consistent with a religious worldview. This analysis draws primarily on the findings of various PRC polls to examine the
relationship between religion and three areas of foreign policy: the role of the USA in the world; the nature of international
obligations; and the morality of war.
相似文献
Luis E. LugoEmail: |
14.
This paper presents recent events including the Danish cartoon crisis occasion—a re-examination of John Stuart Mill’s argument
for freedom of expression. Despite the appeal of liberalism, Mill’s philosophy had from the start been subject to intense
criticism. The rise of political Islam opens a new phase in the debate; the difficulties pointed out by Mill’s critics are
indicative of the obstacles that liberalism still faces.
相似文献
Thomas E. SchneiderEmail: |
15.
Bryan S. Turner 《Society》2009,46(3):255-261
The article examines illustrations from ancient and modern societies to consider the connections between power, social elites
and knowledge of techniques to promote longevity. In pre-modern societies, knowledge of practices and substances to promote
longevity were cultivated by elites such as the Chinese imperial court. In modern societies, new technologies—cryonics, cloning,
stem-cell applications and nanotechnology—will offer exclusive and expensive methods for prolonging life for the rich. However
one important difference between the ancient and modern world is that with secularization longevity is no longer connected
with a moral life; longevity is not a reward for sanctity. We have democratized the ambition for long life but not necessarily
its realization. The modern quest for longevity appears to be connected with the desire of Baby Boomer generations to hold
on to their assets, but while modern medicine may help us to survive forever, it cannot tell us how to live forever.
相似文献
Bryan S. TurnerEmail: |
16.
Robert A. Stebbins 《Society》2009,46(2):155-159
Being motivated to volunteer is a crucial condition for both the volunteers and those seeking their services. Yet the reigning
conceptual model of volunteering in the field of nonprofit sector studies—an economic one based on the idea that the first
may be defined as people engaged in unpaid labor—offers at best a superficial explanation of the motives encouraging them
to altruistically offer their time. In light of this conceptual deficiency another definition of volunteering (and hence volunteer)
has, of late, been gaining acceptance. Sometimes referred to as a volitional definition, it roots in sociology and social
psychology: volunteers feel they are engaging in a leisure activity, which they have had the option to accept or reject on
their own terms.
相似文献
Robert A. StebbinsEmail: |
17.
David Popenoe 《Society》2009,46(5):429-436
Non-marital cohabitation has become widespread in modern, Western nations. It has led to dramatic declines in marriage rates
and contributed to high levels of unwed births and lone-parent families, thus negatively affecting child wellbeing.
相似文献
David PopenoeEmail: |
18.
In this article, we model the effect of foreign policy attitudes on both vote choice and casualty tolerance, using survey
data collected during the 2004 election. We show that prospective judgments of the likelihood of success in Iraq and retrospective
judgments of whether the war in Iraq was right are significant determinants of both vote choice and casualty tolerance. The
prospective judgment of success is key in predicting casualty tolerance, while retrospective judgment of whether the war was
right takes precedence in determining vote choice. In addition, there is an important interaction between the two variables,
so the effect of one is conditional on the value of the other. We believe this is compelling evidence that foreign policy
matters, and that it matters in reasonable ways.
相似文献
Jason ReiflerEmail: |
19.
Andrew G. Keeler 《Policy Sciences》2007,40(4):353-365
The lack of significant efforts at the national level to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (GHGs) in the United States has provided
the impetus for a number of state programs. This article assesses the efficiency of these programs in making real progress
in GHG reductions. It also explores the effect of state programs on the eventual adoption of a strong national GHG mitigation
policy. While state programs are likely to demonstrate the viability of new mitigation approaches, they are also likely to
create a set of expectations and precedents that will make a strong and coherent national policy more difficult.
相似文献
Andrew G. KeelerEmail: |
20.
Elena Pariotti 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):139-155
During this age of globalisation, the law is characterised by an ever diminishing hierarchical framework, with an increasing
role played by non-state actors. Such features are also pertinent for the international enforceability of human rights. With
respect to human rights, TNCs seem to be given broadening obligations, which approach the borderline between ethics and law.
The impact of soft law in this context is also relevant. This paper aims to assess whether, and to what extent, this trend
could be a proper path to enforce the legal accountability of transnational corporations for human rights. It will be argued
that the interplay between law and ethics should be assessed differently depending on which kind of correlative duty is at
stake. With regard to negative duties, soft law tools concerning TNCs’ conduct may weaken the impact of hard law. By contrast,
when positive duties are concerned, insofar as the horizontal effect of rights cannot be assumed, soft law turns out to be
much more useful.
相似文献
Elena PariottiEmail: |