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1.
Larry Diamond 《当代中国》2003,12(35):319-331
This paper assesses Pan Wei's proposal for a 'consultative rule of law system' for China, finding it a potentially important step along the path of political reform. China urgently needs political reform to deal with the rapidly mounting problems of corruption, abuse of power, financial scandals, rising crime and inequality, and declining legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party. A rule of law, with an independent judiciary and other autonomous institutions of horizontal accountability, is vital if China is to rein in these problems and deliver better, fairer, more transparent and effective governance. However, Pan Wei's proposed system goes only part of the way toward addressing the deficiencies of governance in China, and is therefore best viewed as a transitional framework. To work, horizontal accountability must be supplemented with and reinforced by vertical account ability, through competitive elections, which give local officials an incentive to serve the public good and enable bad officials to be removed by the people. Ultimately, I argue, China can only achieve adequate and enduring political accountability by moving toward democracy. Among the other issues addressed in the paper are the architecture and appointment of a system of horizontal accountability for China; the role of the Communist Party (or its successor hegemon) in a 'rule of law' system; and the timing and phasing of the transition to a rule of law.  相似文献   

2.
Zhang Han 《当代中国》2015,24(94):644-664
In order to consolidate its membership basis and maintain its political leadership in the non-state sector of the economy, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has been rebuilding its primary party organizations (PPOs) in China's urban business districts. Since residents' committees are either weak or do not exist in many urban business districts, local party authorities create umbrella party organizations to foster and territorially restructure PPOs. Four general models of establishing umbrella party organizations can be found, and the CCP has been building its ‘service-oriented PPOs’ to accommodate the needs of the business world. While such party building strategies demonstrate the resilience and adaptability of the CCP, they might also pose potential risks to the Party.  相似文献   

3.
论多党合作制度视角下的执政党能力建设   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在各种政治文化互相激荡的21世纪,中国政党制度要成为当今世界各种政治文化可以交融和借鉴的一种制度模式,归根结底取决于中国共产党执政能力建设的成效.从政党制度的视角来阐述执政党执政理念、执政方式和执政合法性资源与多党合作制度发展的关系( )产党执政能力的提高和中国政党制度优势功能的发挥,都具有极其重要的推动作用.  相似文献   

4.
The changing face of China's politics is to be found as much in the cadre force as in the categories of ‘new rich’ engendered by economic reform and rapid development. A series of interviews undertaken in 1996 and 1997 with local cadres—at sub-provincial, county and section levels—in Shanxi Province provides evidence as to the extent of change and continuity in their social backgrounds, careers and political attitudes. Analysis focuses in particular on five common hypotheses about the cadre force in reform China: that they are conservative upholders of the status quo; a priviligentsya; imposed ‘from without’; the source of a ‘new class'; and one which has come in the reform era to be dominated by ‘technocrats' (rather than former revolutionaries). Though local political and administrative leadership in the 1990s appears to have become more localist, and even in some senses parochial, such analysis must be kept in perspective. The local cadre force is considerably less local, parochial and ‘privileged’ than their counterpart local business elites; and the agency of the provincial organisation of the Chinese Communist Party is still very much in evidence.  相似文献   

5.
人民政协作为中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商的重要机构,是以中国共产党为领导核心,以各民主党派、各人民团体为基础组成的,中国唯一的由所有合法政党参加的,并以本党派名义在其中活动的多党合作组织,为促进党际关系发挥了举足轻重的作用.人民政协的民主协商方式,体现了民主精神,在新形势下,人民政协应进一步发扬民主精神,广开言路...  相似文献   

6.
改革开放与经济转型的深化,使我们的社会经济生活发生了根本性的变革,各类新型的财务会计、税收、金融等问题在诉讼中不断出现,使得司法会计活动在各类诉讼中收集、发现、提供证据的作用日显重要,这就要求相关司法人员不仅需要有较高的法律素养,熟悉企业运作实务,对财务会计、货币金融、工商税收等专业领域的业务知识有所了解,更应熟练的掌握司法会计的各种业务技术方法。  相似文献   

7.
金融监管协调以防范系统性风险、维护金融体系稳定为最终目标,是金融监管体制的重要组成部分。自2018年3月以来,中国的金融监管体制呈现出"一委一行两会"的新格局,对金融监管协调提出了更高的要求。本文基于金融监管协调的国际经验,从中央部门协调、央地协调及金融科技发展的角度,分析了当前中国金融监管协调面临的障碍,并根据"矩阵式"管理的思路提出了解决方法并就此构建了相应的金融监管协调框架。本文提出在纵向上应强化央行的核心地位,发挥金融委的协调作用,明确央地权责及目标,强化属地责任;在横向上应重视跨部门协调、统筹金融业综合统计,同时还应与法律建设同步,及时跟踪科技发展,以期更好地发挥金融监管协调的作用。  相似文献   

8.
Steve Tsang 《当代中国》2009,18(62):865-880
This paper puts forward the concept of consultative Leninism to describe the political system that has taken shape in China after the death of Deng Xiaoping. It argues that the Communist Party has made its essentially Leninist political machinery more resilient in confronting the huge social and political challenges that the current global financial crisis may unleash in China by incorporating consultative elements. Consultative Leninism has five defining characteristics: an obsessive focus upon staying in power; continuous governance reform designed to pre-empt public demands for democratization; sustained efforts to enhance the Party's capacity to elicit, respond to and direct changing public opinion; pragmatism in economic and financial management; and the promotion of nationalism in place of Communism.  相似文献   

9.
胡照青 《中国发展》2007,7(4):41-46
世界各国对金融机构业务范围的制度设计不尽一致,大体可概括为“分业经营”与“混业经营”。该文以银行业为例,通过对几个发达国家银行业实行混业经营制度的介绍,揭示了采用“混业经营”是当前金融监管的发展趋势。中国加入WTO之后,正逐步从“分业经营”向“混业经营”过渡,目前,中国不仅在立法上逐步肯定了混业经营在一定范围内存在的合法性,而且还在实践操作中通过有针对性地选择试点,逐步实现向混业经营的转变。  相似文献   

10.
后疫情时代下,优化营商环境改革面临着巨大考验,而法治化是保障其得以持续健康发展的必由之路。发展中国特色社会主义经济,完善中国特色社会主义法治体系,推动和扩大改革开放力度,是法治化营商环境的基本要义。湖北作为中部强省,应积极营造独具地方特色的法治化营商环境,为优化营商环境持续赋能。推进优化营商环境法治化改革,必须全面清理相关规范性文件,持续推进行政执法体制改革与"流程再造",强化多元化政企沟通与纠纷解决机制,打造一套科学合理的法治评估体系,为疫后重振和高质量发展提供强有力的法治保障。  相似文献   

11.
大学生就业的政策的制定和完善应纳入国家发展战略规划的制定当中。采取积极的财政政策,建立健全相关法律制度;加强就业市场建设,实现高等教育与社会接轨;逐步实现社会公平;大力发展经济建设;鼓励大学生开展创业活动。  相似文献   

12.
中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度是我国的一项基本政治制度。执政兴国与坚持和完善多党合作和政治协商制度之间存在着本质的、必然的联系 ,二者之间有着内在的同一性。多党合作和政治协商制度是社会主义民主政治的重要制度保证 ,在巩固党的执政地位 ,实现党执政兴国的战略目标上发挥着独特的功能。为加强和改善党的建设 ,应坚持和完善中共领导的多党合作和政治协商制度。  相似文献   

13.
实现政府职能向公共服务的根本转变,是党的十七届二中全会通过的《关于深化行政管理体制改革的意见》提出的明确要求。本文从政府组织结构、行政运行机制、政府财政投入、政府公共服务产出和政府法制建设等角度,首次提出了政府职能是否实现了向公共服务根本转变的判断标准和推进对策,以期促进政府职能的根本转变,推进服务型政府建设。  相似文献   

14.
中国共产党在多党合作中居于领导地位,是由中国社会历史发展决定的,由共产党与民主党派的性质决定的,是在中国革命、建设和改革的实践过程中形成的,不能把西方多党制的政党关系作为衡量我国政党关系的标准.民主党派组织上的独立性和党际关系上的平等性,决定了中国共产党在我国政治生活和多党合作中的领导只能是政治领导,只能通过民主协商来实现.中国共产党和各民主党派根本利益和奋斗目标的共同性、我国民主党派的主动性和政党制度的优越性,决定了中国共产党对民主党派的领导关系是一种互相依存、互相作用,相辅相成、相得益彰的互动关系.  相似文献   

15.
In China, courts may refuse to accept certain legal actions involving financial matters without any solid or explicit legal grounds. An analysis of such a phenomenon should help scholars to understand the functioning logic of China's judicial power. This article suggests that there are a number of reasons behind the filtration system, including a lack of applicable legal rules, a weak ability of the courts to understand complicated financial matters, the background of the economic system transition, the political consideration of ‘maintaining social stability’ and judiciary self-interest. Filtration has inevitably had a negative effect on China's financial markets, and reform is thus necessary.  相似文献   

16.
Suisheng Zhao 《当代中国》2003,12(35):333-355
This paper is a response to Pan Wei's rule of law regime reform proposal. It agrees with Pan that the direction of political reform taken and discussed inside China is indeed different from the democratization that has been pushed by outside pro-democracy activists, including Chinese dissidents. While some Chinese scholars and think-tank analysts talk about political reform, they are not proposing to democratize the polity but to make the single party rule of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) more efficient or to provide it with a more solid legal base. They have looked upon political liberalization without democratization as an alternative solution to many of China's problems related to the extant authoritarian system. Pan Wei's proposal for building a rule-of-law regime is a representative work of this group of Chinese intellectuals.  相似文献   

17.
发展社会主义民主政治,建设社会主义政治文明,是全面建设小康社会的重要目标。政党制度的进一步完善和优化必将在社会主义政治文明建设中发挥重要的作用。为此,我们必须继续坚持和完善共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度,更好地发挥我国社会主义政党制度的优势。文章对我国政党制度中政党关系模式的优势及怎样与时俱进地完善和优化我国政党制度中政党关系模式作了一定的探讨。  相似文献   

18.
Bill K. P. Chou 《当代中国》2005,14(43):191-206
After the handover of sovereignty in 1999 and the exit of the Portuguese administration, pro-Beijing and pro-government interest groups formed by local Chinese dominated Macau's political landscape. The major interest groups may be classified into three clusters: business organizations, labour unions, and neighbourhood groups. This paper examines the significance of interest groups in the enclave's politics and argues that their political power was from extensive grassroots support they received as well as Beijing's united front policies, the government's co-optation strategy, and the quasi-democratic political system. These interest groups also replaced the governor and under-secretaries to become the core of the patron-client networks in the political arena. This paper contends that the changing socio-economic environment, along with the advent of foreign casino investors, will gradually turn social support away from the interest groups and undercut their political influence. Balancing their pro-government stance and their role as representatives of their constituencies will therefore become increasingly difficult.  相似文献   

19.
中国共产党领导的多党合作与政治协商制度是我国的一项基本政治制度 ,也是具有中国特色的政党制度。理解这一政治制度的基本内容 ,最核心的问题就是要全面、正确地理解为什么要坚持中国共产党的领导地位。这是与西方多党制和某些国家的一党制的根本区别。它对抵御西方敌对势力的侵蚀 ,反对国内一些不良的政治思潮 ,有着重要的意义。本文拟从我国多党合作制度的形成、存在、发展和广阔前景入手 ,对共产党在多党合作中的领导地位进行阐述。  相似文献   

20.
孙成武 《长白学刊》2021,(2):1-8,F0002
中国共产党是社会主义中国的领导核心,是中国政治体系的核心特征和显著优势,是实现中华民族伟大复兴的根本保障。党的十九大在党的建设方面最具开拓性的贡献,是第一次把党的政治建设纳入党的建设总体布局,突出新时代党的建设要以党的政治建设为统领。我们不仅要把政治建设看作党建理论和实践的重大突破,更要把它作为党建重大课题的破题和任务的开启。要深刻理解和把握党的政治建设的深刻内涵和重大实践意义。从理性逻辑上看,中国共产党强调政治建设遵循了现代政党建设的一般规律和要求;从历史逻辑上看,中国共产党强调的政治建设是总结国际共产主义运动和中国共产党百年历史经验教训所得出的基本结论;从现实逻辑上看,中国共产党强调的政治建设是推进党的自身建设和实现中华民族伟大复兴的要求。  相似文献   

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