Homicide by sharp force in two Scandinavian capitals

In the Oslo and Copenhagen capital areas, 141 homicides by sharp force were committed in the ten-year period 1985-1994. This method accounted for 33% of the homicides in this period. Thirty-five percent of the victims were female, and most of the victims were between 20 and 50 years of age. The majority of the male victims were killed by an acquaintance, the females by their spouse. Sixty-five percent of the male and 37% of the female victims had alcohol in their blood. The majority of the female victims had lesions in 3-4 anatomical regions, while the males most often had lesions in only one anatomical region. Seventy-nine percent of the females and 36% of the males had self-defence injuries in the upper extremities. In 21 cases (15%) the offender was a woman, 19 of their victims being male; the weapon in these cases was most often a kitchen knife. Seventy-eight percent of the females and 49% of the males were killed in their own home. The most common circumstance was family row when the victim was female, while a fight was the most common circumstance when the victim was male. Three offenders committed suicide after having committed homicide(s) (seven victims; three offenders).     

Homicide by blunt force in 2 Scandinavian capitals

In the Oslo and Copenhagen areas, 77 instances of blunt force homicides were committed from 1985-1994, accounting for 18% of all homicides in that 10-year period. Fifty-four (70%) of the victims were male, often killed by an acquaintance during a fight. Almost 70% of the female victims were killed in their own home, whereas that was the case for only 30% of the male victims. The majority of the victims (of both sexes) had been hit in more than 1 region of the body. A female offender was encountered in 4 instances; none of their victims were children. Of the 3 children in the blunt force victim group, 2 were battered children. Many of the victims with a blood alcohol level of 0 turned out to have lived for some time after the injury.     

HOMICIDE TRENDS IN ATLANTA

In recent years in Atlanta, homicide has been the most common cause of death in males 20–40 years of age. To study homicide trends in this city we analyzed data for 591 resident victims of criminal homicide in two time perid. 1961–1962 and 1971–1972. Large increases occurred in the homicide rates for both black and white residents. In both races, these rate increases could be accounted for almost entirely by homicides involving firearms Homicide rates for black and whites in 1971–1972 were highest in census tracts with low indices of socioeconomic status; this association was found only for homicides in which the victim and assailant were relatives or acquaintances. There was little geographic overlap between areas with high rates of homicide in the home and high numbers of homicides in public. Using population-based rates facilitates comparisons of homicide occurrence between time periods and/or places.     

Asphyxial homicide in two Scandinavian capitals

In the Oslo and Copenhagen capital areas, 94 asphyxial homicides were committed in the 10-year period 1985-1994, accounting for 22% of all homicides in that period. Sixty-nine (73%) of the asphyxia victims were female. The most common method of asphyxiation was manual strangulation. Seventeen (18%) of the victims were below the age of 10, accounting for 59% of all homicides in that age group. Whereas 38% of the female victims were killed by their spouse, this was the case for only one male victim. The motive was not known in a great proportion of cases. Fifty-seven percent of the victims had been subjected to additional violence, and in this respect there was no difference between the sexes. In 12 of the cases the offender was female; in 9 such cases the victim was her offspring. More than half of the victims had no blood alcohol. When disregarding the victims less than 10 years of age, 33% of the male and 49% of the female victims had no blood alcohol. The crime scene was the victim's domicile among 72% of female and 52% of male victims. Forty-two percent of the female and 11% of the male victims above the age of 10 years were married or cohabitant.     

Firearms and adult, domestic homicides. The role of alcohol and the victim

An epidemiological study was conducted to characterize adult, domestic homicides committed with firearms and to determine the role of alcohol intoxication in the likelihood of becoming a homicide victim. Data on 129 homicides in Ohio occurring between 1982 and 1985 were collected from police departments of major cities, the Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Corrections, and county medical examiners. Forty-eight offenders were interviewed. Temporal and geographical patterns are discussed, as well as offender-victim relationships and the characteristics of the firearms used. High levels of blood alcohol in the victims suggest that alcohol is a risk factor for becoming a homicide victim, although data on alcohol consumption patterns in the population are necessary to advance this association.     

A Comparison of Ideologically-Motivated Homicides from the New Extremist Crime Database and Homicides from the Supplementary Homicide Reports Using Multiple Imputation by Chained Equations to Handle Missing Values

This study took advantage of the new open-source Extremist Crime Database (ECDB) to overcome obstacles to studying domestic far-right terrorism from a criminological perspective. In the past, exclusive definitions and inclusion criteria have limited available data on violent crimes committed by domestic far-right terrorists, and official data on violent crimes fail to capture offenders’ links to domestic far-right terrorism and ideological motivation (e.g., anti-government, anti-abortion, anti-religion). Therefore, little is known about the nature of far-right terrorist violence and how such violence is similar to and different from routine or more common forms of violence. Focusing on homicides, this study addressed why and how open-source terrorism data and official crime data can be comparatively analyzed. In doing so, we also demonstrate the utility of synthesizing terrorism and official crime data sources. Data on 108 far-right terrorist homicides were taken from the ECDB. Data on 540 common homicides (five comparison homicides for each far-right terrorist homicide) were randomly sampled from the 2000 Supplementary Homicide Reports. Using multiple imputation by chained equations and logistic regression, we imputed missing values and estimated models to compare the two homicide types on 12 different victim, offender, and event characteristics. Relative to common homicides, we found that far-right terrorist homicides were significantly more likely to have white offenders, multiple victims, multiple offenders, and to occur between strangers, and they were significantly less likely to have white victims, to be carried out with a firearm, and to occur in cities with more than 100,000 residents.     

Aggression homicide and rejection homicide: a communicative classification of homicide

Based on a 10-year sample of homicides (n = 50), the hypothesis was tested that it is possible to differentiate between aggression and rejection homicide. The aggression homicide results from the offender/victim relationship, which is no longer accepted for some reason. In contrast, in the rejection homicide the offender radically strives for a goal which can only be reached if the victim is eliminated. Based on forensic-psychiatric expert opinions (n = 50), the case analyses yielded 31 aggression homicides and 18 rejection homicides, one case could not be classified. Aggression homicides differed significantly from the rejection homicides with regard to their main motives. Hate in quarrel (n = 8), violent occupation of the victim (n = 7), delusions (n = 5), revenge (n = 3), self-defence (n = 2), and jealousy (n = 1) characterized the aggression homicides, whereas rejection homicides were dominated by economic motives (n = 14). Two offenders intended to get rid of the victim and one offender wanted to rescue a third person. From a forensic-psychiatric point of view, the pertinent statistical data (social data, diagnosis, criminal responsibility) are reported and the significance of the differentiation between aggression homicide and rejection homicide for medico-legal or criminological case profiling and for the prognosis of the risk potential is discussed.     

A decade of pediatric homicide: a retrospective study at the Medical University of South Carolina.

More than 3 million children are abused and/or neglected each year in the United States. Unfortunately, a significant percentage of these cases result in homicide by child abuse or child neglect. Causes of death range from blunt force trauma and shaking to asphyxia to immolation. We retrospectively reviewed all pediatric forensic cases referred to the Medical University of South Carolina Forensic Pathology Section over the past 10 years, from January 1986 to December 1995. Of these, we looked only at children < or =5 years of age. The majority (342 cases, 69%) of these deaths were classified as natural, 96 (19%) as accident, and 60 (12%) as homicide. Of the homicides, we examined the cause of death; age, gender, and race of the victim; relationship to the perpetrator; time interval between injury and death; and the initial history given as to the cause of the injury. The cause of death fell into nine categories, the number one category being head trauma. Forty-five percent of the homicides were by head trauma, 12% by abdominal or body trauma, 25% by asphyxia (with half of these due to drowning), 10% by carbon monoxide poisoning or thermal injury, and the remaining 8% involving cases of neglect, stabbing, and poisoning. The majority of the homicide victims were male (67%) and black (67%). Forty-six percent were < or =1 year of age. Approximately 25% of the homicide cases were designated as shaken baby syndrome (SBS). In 97% of the cases, the assailant was known to the victim and was a family relative in 77%. Sixty-three percent of the assailants were female and 45% of the assailants were male; in 12%, the assailants were both parents, and in 1 case, the assailant remains unknown. Of the asphyxia deaths, 87% of the assailants were female. The time interval between injury and death ranged from minutes to hours in most cases to months in cases of repeated abuse and chronic injury and sequelae. The time interval between injury and the onset of symptoms remains unknown in most cases due to inconsistencies in the history and lack of credibility of the caretaker. The most common initial history given was "a fall" (20%). We report our findings of a decade of pediatric homicides to increase awareness of the common scenarios and case histories, demographics of the victims, causes of death, and perpetrators of pediatric homicide.     

Predicting presence of offender's criminal record from antisocial lifestyle indicators of homicide victims

The aim of the present study is to explore the possibility of predicting the presence of a criminal record in the background of a homicide offender on the basis of victim characteristics. Eight victim characteristics, as well as the presence or absence of offender criminal record and offender violent criminal record, were coded for 502 Finnish homicides. A configural frequency analysis (CFA) showed that it was possible to predict the presence of a criminal record on the basis of the victim variables. The practical significance of the results for police investigations is discussed.     

Can Situational and Structural Factors Differentiate Between Intimate Partner and “Other” Homicide?

A large body of research has identified strong and consistent correlates of aggregated intimate homicide incidents; however, the bulk of these studies focuses on the influence of either case or neighborhood characteristics on homicide types, but not both. This study examines data collected from 739 homicides in two distinct metropolitan cities to determine which factors differentiate intimate and non-intimate homicide. Findings reveal that intimate partner homicides (IPH) are more likely to involve females both as victims and offenders when compared to non-IPH incidents. In addition, IPH homicides are more likely to be committed with weapons than non-IPH, but this finding only appears in Indianapolis homicides. Indeed, one of the stark contrasts between Indianapolis and Newark was the much greater prevalence of firearms involved in IPH homicides in Indianapolis. This suggests the need for future research that sorts out patterns of household gun possession, factors influencing community levels of household gun possession, and the use of legally- or illegally-possessed firearms in IPH homicide.     

Accomplishing Difference: How Do Anti-race/Ethnicity Bias Homicides Compare to Average Homicides in the United States?

Research on the nature of bias homicide has experienced increased interest in the academic literature. To date, few studies have compared the similarities and differences between anti-race/ethnicity bias homicides and average American homicides. Consequently, we know little about how the offender, victim, and situational characteristics compare across these two homicide types. Drawing from doing difference theory of bias crime, the aim of this study is to comparatively analyze the attributes of anti-race/ethnicity homicides to average homicides between 1990 and 2014. Anti-race/ethnicity homicide data is extracted from the U.S. Extremist Crime Database and paired with average homicides from the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s 2000 Supplementary Homicide Reports. The results of this study suggest that the characteristics of anti-race/ethnicity homicides are both similar and different from average homicides. Implications for bias crime theory, research, and policy are discussed.     

Covering Victims in the News: What Makes Minority Homicides Newsworthy?

The current study builds on the homicide and media criminological literature by examining the newsworthiness of 866 homicide incidents that occurred in Newark, NJ between 1997 and 2007. Recognizing that indicators of newsworthiness may vary by homicide victim gender and race/ethnicity, this study comparatively assesses the effects of suspect, victim, and incident variables on homicides against female, black, and Hispanic victims. A news media distortion analysis is employed which matches specific homicides to their respective local print news coverage. Overall, offense seriousness and victim vulnerability increase the odds of homicides receiving news media attention and being displayed prominently. We also find that different homicide characteristics serve as indicators of newsworthiness depending on victim gender and race/ethnicity. We discuss how cultural stereotypes may shape evaluations of newsworthiness and conclude with implications for theory and future research directions.     

Differences in female and male involvement in lethal violence in Russia

Relatively little is known of the distributions of homicide event characteristics in non-Western nations in which women relative to men are involved. This article utilizes unique homicide narratives drawn from Russian court and police records to compare homicide victim, offender, and event characteristics by sex of victim and separately by sex of offender. Results from logistic regression show that homicides in which a female was the victim or offender were more likely to occur between intimates and to occur in the home, whereas homicides involving males were more likely to occur in a public place, to be alcohol-related, to involve a firearm, and to involve a victim and offender who did not know each other well. These results not only present an important first glimpse at women as homicide victims and offenders in Russia specifically, but also provide a point of comparison with findings from similar analyses undertaken in the West, and present further initial observations upon which to construct a cohesive theory about female involvement in serious violent events.     

Multivariate analysis ('forensiometrics')--a new tool in forensic medicine. Differentiation between firearm-related homicides and suicides.

A forensiometric model to discriminate between homicidal and suicidal firearm-fatalities is presented. It is based on a survey of all 45 homicidal and 251 suicidal firearm-fatalities that were examined at the Department of Forensic Medicine in Stockholm, Sweden during the period 1983-92. The model used 15 variables to describe 19.8% of the variation in the data and its goodness of prediction, Q2, was 0.742. The variables ranked in falling order of covariation with homicide (i.e. correlation with or importance in the prediction of homicide) were: presence of other injuries than firearm-wounds, entrance wound in the front part of the chest except precordium, bullet path through clothes, entrance wound in upper extremity, female victim, entrance wound in abdomen, entrance wound in head except temples, central forehead and mouth, and entrance wound in back. The variables most correlated to suicide were: used firearm found close to victim's body, reported suicidal ideation, victim's age, presence of contact wound(s), male victim, presence of farewell letter and entrance wound in mouth. The model was thereafter validated on a test-set of 18 homicides and 84 suicides during 1993-95. All suicides and 16 homicides were classified by the model in agreement with the previous police and forensic medical examinations. Thus, the model's sensitivity to classify homicides is estimated to be 89% and its specificity 100%.     

Sharp Force Homicide in Denmark 1992–2016

Sharp force trauma is a common homicide method. The weapon is typically a knife, which is easily accessible and does not require special skills. We have analyzed all 471 sharp force homicides in Denmark during 1992–2016 with special focus on aspects that are relevant to forensic pathologists, including the distribution of wounds and organ injuries. Most homicides were committed inside with a kitchen knife. The front left thorax was the most common area to be affected by sharp force trauma. In 18.9% of the victims, there was only one sharp injury, the majority on the thorax. The most common trajectory for stab wounds was directly posterior with no deviation to the sides or up/down followed by directly anterior. The heart (including pericardium) and lungs (including hemo- and pneumothorax) had injuries in more than 75% of the victims. 67% of victims were males. Female victims had more sharp force injuries and defense wounds than male victims. Most females were killed in domestic homicides (73.7%), most commonly in partner killings (56.4%). In contrast, many male victims were killed in a setting of nightlife/intoxication (34.0%) most by a friend/acquaintance delivering a few stab wounds. The results clearly show strong sex differences in both victims and offenders. This could be useful for shaping policies and public opinion, and as a route for understanding the developments in interpersonal violence. In the narrow setting of death investigation, our results will provide an evidence-based approach to understanding the injury patterns in sharp force homicide.     

A 28-year (1963-90) study of homicide in Marion County, Oregon.

We describe 240 consecutive homicidal deaths that occurred in Marion County, Oregon, over a 28-year period (1963-90). An epidemiological assessment of the homicides yielded the following information: More than 91% of these deaths were primary homicides. In primary homicide, 63% of the victims and 88% of the offenders were male. In secondary homicide, 76% of the victims and all of the offenders were male. A high percentage of victims (83%) and offenders (84%) in primary homicide were Caucasian, as were 100% of victims and offenders in secondary homicide. About 12% of victims and 10% of offenders in primary homicide were Hispanic. Fifty-nine percent of primary homicides were intrasexual, as compared to 87% of secondary homicides. An intraracial pattern was found in 90% of primary homicides and in 100% of secondary homicides. The most frequent means of death in both primary and secondary homicides were firearms, physical beating, and stabbing. Strangers committed 80% of secondary homicides. This was in marked contrast to the victim-offender relationship found in primary homicides, where strangers were responsible for approximately 16% of the total, acquaintances for approximately 36%, and family members for approximately 48%. The overall clearance rate (i.e., the identification and charging of a suspect for the death) was 88%.     

Prostitute homicides: a descriptive study

It has been estimated that women involved in street prostitution are 60 to 100 times more likely to be murdered than are nonprostitute females. In addition, homicides of prostitutes are notoriously difficult to investigate and, as such, many cases remain unsolved. Despite this large risk factor, little literature exists on homicides of prostitutes, and there is a lack of basic statistics and knowledge regarding this very specific victim group that could possibly help investigators. The aim of the current study is to conduct an exploratory study to explore the key characteristics of this group and how they differ from other subgroups of homicide. Forty-six cases of U.K. prostitute homicides are analyzed and compared to 59 male offender-female victim nonsexual homicide cases and 17 male offender-female victim sexual homicide cases.