Anthony King and the United States

Anthony King was a keen follower of American politics. His writings on the subject combined his respect for democratic practices with a strong concern for deliberation in governance. These concerns, familiar from his writings on the UK, caused him to worry that American politicians campaigned too much and governed too little.     

A psychiatrist's view of disturbed relationships

Orwell's writings and the testimony of people who knew him confirm that the author of 1984 was touched by the antisemitic milieu in which he grew up. His struggle to come to terms with this important part of his background was not always successful.     

The production of poverty

The idea of cultural resistance has been taken up in combative analysis of metropolitan racist situations. It is a legacy from analyses by combatants in anti-colonial struggles. Fanon's were among the most searching of such analyses. His writings indicate an unusual concept of culture and of a people. The concept is at the same time of a political subject and of a the formation and direction of psychic energies. What he wrote on violence and counter-violence should not be abstracted from his concepts of culture and its colonial situation. That situation as it is described in Fanon's writings and then the concept of culture and people are elaborated and then extended so that their application to metropolitan racism can be tried.     

Taxing capital gains

From 1969 to 1971 he was a member and from 1972 to 1974 the Chairman of the President’s Council of Economic Advisers. His major publications include The Fiscal Revolution in America, Presidential Economics,and Governing the $5 Trillion Economy.He is a member of the board of contributors of the Wall Street Journal, where his writings appear frequently.     

朱彝尊对西洋传教士及其书籍的看法——康熙朝文人阅读史个案探析

朱彝尊是清代康熙年间以博学著称的学者,他对西洋传教士持排斥态度,这与其曾祖朱国祚对利玛窦的态度有关。朱彝尊赞许当时中国学者有关天文历算的著述,却对来自西洋传教士的天文历算学说提出批评。从阅读史的视角来考察,朱彝尊所谓博学,特指其在传统经史方面的成就。康熙皇帝的阅读倾向对士人有引导作用。     

Remembering Tony King

Tony King combined scholarship with a real‐world grasp that few could match. This was evident both in his public activities and in his published work. His studies of legislatures and of career politicians changed the way in which issues were viewed and he was skilled at identifying emerging trends before anyone else. He analysed the failings of government, but always as a practical improver. He was a natural communicator in the Bagehot tradition, as evidenced in his writings on the constitution, and he wanted a less adversarial political culture. He showed political scientists that it was possible to combine good scholarship with an ability to communicate.     

John Stuart Mill's Theory of Bureaucracy within Representative Government: Balancing Competence and Participation

The relationship between bureaucracy and representative government has been a subject of concern to public administration since its inception. John Stuart Mill addressed this question in an 1861 essay, in which he explained his theory of government. Mill suggests a role for public administration that is not only legitimate, but also necessary for good government. His writings contain remarkable references to the concerns addressed in current theories of public administration. Mill worked to balance the spirit of popular government with governance by the most educated, skilled, and experienced of the nation, whether they were citizens, elected representatives, or administrative officials. This article examines Mill's theory and the contribution it makes to current public administration discussion.     

Michael Leifer and the balance of power

Abstract

In the work of the late Professor Michael Leifer few concepts are invoked more often than the balance of power. It was due to his reliance on this concept that Michael Leifer came to be widely regarded as an exponent of realism and an advocate of countervailing balance of power practices. By reviewing Leifer's own writings, this article not only re-examines the now almost standard interpretation of his work, but also investigates the significance of the balance of power in his scholarship in new ways. The first section identifies the two key meanings Leifer explicitly imputed to the balance of power. It also examines Leifer's arguments relative to what he perceived as changes in the balance of power. This will be done with reference to his analyses of the international politics of Southeast and East Asia in the Cold War and post-Cold War period. The second section extends the discussion on the particularities of Leifer's writings on the balance of power, but relates it specifically to the question of what Leifer's writings suggest about his theoretical home. His ability to demonstrate the significance of the balance of power as a political factor in the foreign policies of individual Southeast Asian states is the focus of the third section. Finally, the article builds on Leifer's empirical writings on the importance of psychological factors in relation to the balance of power as policy to take up theoretically important questions that he himself did not pursue, particularly about the extent to which the balance of power is the product of struggles for security and recognition. The article draws three conclusions. First, Leifer should be thought of not as a diehard advocate of conventional balance of power practices, but rather as a scholar broadly working within English School parameters who was deeply wedded to the idea that the balance of power is necessary to uphold regional order in international society in the context of the rise of a potentially hegemonic power. Second, one of the finest aspects of Leifer's scholarly legacy is to be found in his discussion of the balance of power factor in the foreign policies of Southeast Asian states. Third, Leifer should also be an inspiration to those interested in empirical work underlining the importance of struggles for recognition in the formation and practice of the balance of power.     

Governing beyond the Centre: A Critique of the Anglo-Governance School

One of the more intriguing theoretical discussions of recent years involves the concept of governance. There is now a substantial body of work concerning the way governance has affected the contribution of central government to the policy process. Possibly the most prominent and influential account of governance theory in British political science is offered by Rod Rhodes. His most recent writings have employed governance theory to explore the institutions, actors and processes of change within the core executive. His 'Anglo-governance' model has emerged as a prevalent and authoritative account of how new methods of governing have emerged in society. Significantly, it is maintained that a distinct shift has taken place in government, from a hierarchical organisation to a fragmented and decentralised entity that is heavily reliant on a range of complex and independent policy networks. There is undoubted evidence that government is a fractured institution that is dependent on state and non-state actors beyond the centre. This paper questions whether such features entail the emergence of a new form of governance. Central government is still highly resourced and has, at its disposal, a range of powers with which to retain influence over public sector agencies. Historical evidence also shows that the British polity has long been decentralised. Thus, it is difficult to see how recent developments have in any way transformed the capacities of the core executive. It seems that alternative ways of conceptualising the institutions, actors and processes of change in government are required. Recent efforts to develop 'organising perspectives', within the intellectual parameters of governance theory, offer a more 'conceptually cautious' treatment of the central state.     

The Problems of Europocentrism and Evolutionism in Marx's Writings on Colonialism

This paper examines the extent to which Marx's thinking on colonialism was Europocentric and evolutionist and the criticisms levelled against him. By examining relevant aspects of Marx's work, we can define more clearly his true ideas on colonialism and sort out the arguments of his critics. The paper discusses Marx and Engels's writings on colonialism for The New York Daily Tribune (1851–62) and examines four theoretical responses to these writings. The conclusion suggests that although Marx's writings on colonialism suffer from a specifically Europocentric bias, this alters but does not negate the overall applicability of Marx's ideas to the third world.     

Richard Weaver's Untraditional Case for Federalism

Although Richard M. Weaver's political writings do not offera systematic examination of federalism, they include a defenseof federalist arrangements. Because Weaver's federalism is centralto his conservatism, and because his argument for federalismdiffers from more common conservative defenses of federalismoffered in the twentieth century, his writings allow studentsof federalism to examine possible connections between federalismand conservative political thought.     

Marx and Engels's Electoral Strategy: The Alleged versus the Real

In a recently published collection of interviews with “the most prominent scholars in comparative politics since World War II,” Adam Przeworski revealed that his writings from the 1980s on Social Democracy served a political end, that is, to defend it from critics such as Lenin, Trotsky, Lukacs, and Luxemburg. His co-authored book, Paper Stones: A History of Electoral Socialism (1986), still a classic in the sub-field, claims that none other than Frederick Engels sanctioned Social Democracy's quintessential stance, the peaceful or parliamentary road to socialism. A close reading of Paper Stones reveals, however, that it misrepresents—sometimes in quite blatant fashion—the views of not only Engels but Marx as well. This involves the omission of contradictory evidence from many places in the Marx–Engels corpus, the same text, the same page or even the next sentence. Przeworski's reinvention of Marx and Engels duplicates what Edward Bernstein did more than a century ago in his quest to revise their views. Paper Stones excludes evidence that challenges its central finding that the reformist outcome for European Social Democracy was inevitable—a claim, therefore, that can only remain hypothetical.     

'All things richly to enjoy': Economics and Politics in Locke's Two Treatises of Government

For all its importance, what is actually said about money in Two Treatises is highly obscure. Comparison with Locke's 1668–74 writings on interest reveals a common understanding of the function of money, akin to that of contemporary mercantilists, which illuminates many difficulties in the chapter on property. These writings are the source of the main economic concepts in the Treatises ; namely, labour as the active source of wealth (which along with the Roman Law notion of self-ownership provides the basis of Locke's theory of property); money overcoming the 'spoliation limit' on the accumulation of consumables, and the idea that money is created by and derives its value from consent (which Two Treatises exploits as a justification of the unequal distribution of property). Finally, the early writings suggest how implausible it is to read a labour theory of exchange value into the Treatises .     

Local E‐Government in the United States: Transformation or Incremental Change?

In this article, the authors address the recent trajectory of local e‐government in the United States and compare it with the predictions of early e‐government writings, using empirical data from two nationwide surveys of e‐government among American local governments. The authors find that local e‐government has not produced the results that those writings predicted. Instead, its development has largely been incremental, and local e‐government is mainly about delivering information and services online, followed by a few transactions and limited interactivity. Local e‐government is also mainly one way, from government to citizens, and there is little or no evidence that it is transformative in any way. This disparity between early predictions and actual results is partly attributable to the incremental nature of American public administration. Other reasons include a lack of attention by early writers to the history of information technology in government and the influence of technological determinism on those writings.     

Four myths in the history of social thought

Four commonly held interpretations of the development of European social thought in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are analysed and criticised, with particular reference to Durkheim's writings. These four myths are: the notion that Durkheim's sociology developed in substantial degree as a response to the ‘problem of order’; the conception that Durkheim's work is to be understood in terms of its origins in ‘conservative’ social thought; the view that Durkheim's writings, together with those of some of his contemporaries, mark a radical break in the transition from ‘social philosophy’ to ‘sociology’; and the idea that the type of intellectual tradition represented by Durkheim, concerned with the ‘problem of order’, can be usefully compared with a divergent tradition concerned with ‘conflict’ and ‘change’. It is argued that while these myths each contain a kernel of truth, this can only be extracted if Durkheim's writings are examined in relation to the historical context in which he developed his sociological concerns.     

The war of words defining the extreme right party family

This article presents an overview of the writings on the extreme right party family of the third wave (1980–95). First, the prime criterion for the classification of the party family is discussed. Second, the main critiques of, and alternatives to, the term right‐wing extremism are evaluated. Third, the political parties that are generally considered to be members of the party family are identified. Fourth, subgroups within the larger party family are examined. In the conclusion, the various writings are structured on the basis of four theoretical schools within the broader study of right‐wing extremism.     

Castoriadis and the Project of Autonomy. A Review of The Imaginary Institution of Society

This paper examines the concepts of individual and social autonomy in Castoriadis' writings and then moves on to discuss the 'dichotomy' between his early and later works in relation to Castoriadis' major work The Imaginary Institution of Society , which is discussed in some depth. This discussion is focused as much as possible on the political content of Castoriadis' thinking, with more weight being given to the philosophical concepts Castoriadis himself introduced. Finally, the way in which Castoriadis' philosophical work has been received is examined with reference to both the distorting way in which post-modernists treat his writings, but also the significance his work may have for a new liberatory project (like the Inclusive Democracy project).     

The License to Hate: Peder Jensen's Fascist Rhetoric in Anders Breivik's Manifesto 2083: A European Declaration of Independence

This article examines the writings of one of the key voices who influenced Anders Breivik: Peder Jensen. Writing under the pen name Fjordman, Jensen has developed a range of writings, some of which have come to operate at the interface between Islamophobic populism and contemporary fascist terrorism. To explore this interface, this article analyzes the various writings by Jensen/Fjordman that Breivik himself reproduced in his manifesto 2083: A European Declaration of Independence. It concludes that, while not directly instructing Breivik to carry out an act of terrorism, there is nevertheless a looser connection between Jensen's rhetoric, which points toward violent action, and the behavior of others such as Breivik. It explores this link through the lens of “license,” a methodology developed by Aristotle Kallis. This approach allows the analysis to highlight that, beneath a veneer of more moderate anti-Muslim populism, the discourse Peder Jensen has written under the pen name Fjordman evokes many of the tropes of fascism, including coded endorsement of ethnic nationalism, misogyny, conspiracy theories, a concern with profound cultural decadence, and a palingenetic language that idealizes revolution coming about through war.     

Steger on Engels — a Brief Comment

Manfred Steger argues that properly to evaluate the last writings of Friedrich Engels, theorists must situate his work historically. With such a perspective, the tensions in his last major political work (what has come to be known as his 'testament') are easily explained. Engels was trying to preserve his revolutionary principles while outlining policies appropriate to a non-revolutionary situation. That tension was resolved in a positive direction, according to Steger, by Eduard Bernstein who discarded the revolutionary husk to preserve the liberal, reformist and realistic kernel. This article argues that Steger, while right to situate Engels' writings in their historical context, misjudges the subsequent history of Germany. This history, far from vindicating Bernstein's revisionism, provides stunning confirmation of Engels' revolutionary socialism.