泰国南部问题的成因探析

泰国南部冲突延续多年未能妥善解决,其主要原因在于现代化进程激化了泰国政府与泰南穆斯林的历史矛盾,形成了新的民族隔阂.泰南穆斯林经济落后,政治上处于边缘地位,这导致双方难以建立互信关系,所以偶发因素就可能导致分离主义活动的死灰复燃.     

属灵的冲突来自属物的冲突--东南亚宗教冲突初探

宗教问题和民族问题将是21世纪困扰人类社会最复杂的问题,东南亚是一个多宗教的地区,婆罗门教、佛教、伊斯兰教、天主教都曾经在东南亚盛行一时,东南亚国家在独立以后,一些国家内部的宗教冲突一直连续不断,特别是20世纪60、70年代泰国南部地区穆斯林和佛教徒之间的冲突;70、80年代菲律宾南部的穆斯林和天主教徒之间的冲突和90年代末印度尼西亚马鲁古群岛穆斯林和基督教徒之间的冲突,导致社会的激烈动荡,带来了经济、文化等方面的重大损失.本文通过分析60年代到90年代在东南亚地区发生的不同宗教教徒之间的冲突,阐释产生冲突的历史渊源,并从制度的角度观察精神世界的冲突.笔者认为属于精神层面的宗教冲突在很大程度上来自一些制度层面的失误.因此,解决宗教冲突的关键并不是单纯地针对精神层面的因素,解决宗教冲突的外部原因比解决宗教的内部原因更为重要.     

文明的共存还是文明的冲突——哈拉尔德·米勒与塞缪尔·亨廷顿的对话

美国哈佛大学教授塞缪尔·亨廷顿提出了著名的"文明冲突论",指出冷战后国际政治中的冲突主要以不同文明之间的斗争的形式展开.这个观点引起了国际学术界的争论.德国资深批评者之一哈拉尔德·米勒专门出书分析并批驳了亨氏的这一观点.本文从两人观点的"冲突"入手,对两人观点的"共存"进行总结,从而点出米勒眼中的世界秩序,亦即文明的共存.     

泰南四府民族分裂主义的由来、演变与出路

在当今世界上,民族与宗教问题往往是引发地区骚乱或局部战争的导火线,而且往往与政治、经济问题交织在一起.泰南四府马来族穆斯林民族分裂主义的性质也基本如此.近百年来它始终困扰着泰国政府,尤其是二战以后,泰南穆斯林地区由于宗教、民族矛盾的发展,政治上的不平等和经济上落后等因素,导致要求独立自决的运动一直延绵不断,并由政治斗争发展到武装斗争.特别是在2001年"9·11"事件发生后,泰南四府原来积存的矛盾被重新激活,民族分裂主义分子公开采取了暴力恐怖手段与政治对抗,企图谋求独立,且愈演愈烈,引起了世人的广泛关注. 综观泰国历届政府的政策,笔者认为,为了打击南部民族分裂主义势力,仅靠法律手段和政治措施是远远不够的,武装镇压或同化政策也是难以奏效的.为了实现民族团结,社会和谐,国家稳定,首先要承认民族文化、宗教信仰等社会发展的多元性,尊重和保护宗教信仰自由,用政治对话代替武力对抗,用改革政策取代同化政策,加快经济发展,缩小贫富差距,增加人民收入,提高生活水平,做到社会公平、分配公正.青年是国家的未来,要重视和加强对青少年的教育和培养.政府要通过诚意来逐步取得绝大多数穆斯林的理解与支持,不给少数顽固的穆斯林分裂主义者以可乘之机.只有这样,才能逐步铲除南部的民族分裂主义势力,真正实现民族和睦、社会和谐和国家的稳定.     

欧亚陆上丝绸之路沿线的“文明断裂带”研究——兼论“文明冲突论”的双重性

人类文明的多样性决定了不同文明涵盖区域之间存在着连接地带或"断裂带"。欧亚陆上丝绸之路穿越的中亚、高加索、巴尔干三个地区均存在这样的断裂带。各种文明在断裂带碰撞,引起了一些摩擦和纷争,但从千百年历史发展的长时段看,断裂带更是文明交汇、融合的地带。各种文明、民族、宗教,通过对话、交流和友好交往,在丝绸之路沿线和谐相处而逐渐融合,形成了当今欧亚一系列多民族、多宗教的国家和利益共同体。横贯欧亚大陆的文明断裂带及冷战后沿这一断裂带而起的一些冲突,正是"文明冲突论"的重要依据之一。不过,人类历史发展的整体进程尽管受到文明因素,特别是宗教、民族、文化差异的影响,但暴力冲突往往只是一小撮极端、恐怖分子所为,并不能代表不同文明背景的人民大众。而且这类冲突大都源于外部的武力干涉和内部深层次的政治、经济矛盾。因此,纯粹的"文明冲突"或完全由文明原因导致的冲突都是不存在的。虽然"文明冲突论"存在漏洞和谬误,却也指出了不同宗教、民族、文化之间的差异和碰撞会在世界历史发展进程中产生重要作用,提醒我们要对文明因素予以重视并加以研究。这就是"文明冲突论"的双重性所在。     

缅甸独立后的族际宗教冲突和治理困境

缅甸历史上曾经施行严苛的宗教管理制度,压制了宗教族际对抗。脱离殖民统治、获得政治独立后,缅甸国内宗教族裔群体间的紧张局势并未得到缓解,敌对情绪反而因政治氛围日渐宽松而上升。缅甸的宗教传统为境内族际宗教冲突提供了合法性。缅甸一些政治精英刻意引导民众将当前社会发展的矛盾迁怒于特定宗教族裔,煽动宗教仇恨。部分神职人员则默许信众宣泄宗教暴力。缅甸宗教少数族裔由于缺少社会资本,难以改变自身境遇。随着近年来缅甸国内政治日趋稳定和国际地位正常化,缅甸上座部佛教在宗教冲突中的角色成为外部世界关注的新焦点,宗教冲突本身也因此有望得到国际社会透明和有效的调解。缅甸族际宗教冲突为文明冲突论提供了经验支持。     

从儒家文明的盛衰演变看东西方“文明冲突”的根源

近年来 ,“文明冲突论”已成为美国和西方学术理论界备受关注的热门理论之一。塞缪尔·亨廷顿在他所提出的这一理论中将儒家文明和伊斯兰教文明定义为在未来的“文明冲突”中对西方基督教文明最具挑战性的文明。由此论点出发 ,他不遗余力地提醒美国和西方对即将到来的来自这两种文明的“威胁”采取对抗和遏制措施。尽管他的这一理论实质上反映的不过是他维护美国霸权地位和利益的初衷 ,而且在理论上也充满悖谬。但他的这一理论对美国和西方学术界和政界人士都产生了极大的影响。本文着重从历史和现实分析的角度 ,同时也从考察西方文明与东亚儒家文明在世界近代史上的互动关系的角度 ,来揭示他提出的这一理论在主观立场上所包涵的谬误成份     

印尼伊斯兰教与基督教冲突的根源

冷战结束后 ,伊斯兰教复兴运动再次席卷穆斯林世界 ,伊斯兰势力在国际政治舞台上的作用 ,成为 2 0世纪末最重要的政治现象之一。伊斯兰复兴运动的东渐影响着东南亚局势的发展。印尼作为世界最大穆斯林国家 ,在世纪末遭受亚洲金融危机的重创 ,政治、经济和社会危机总爆发。民族宗教冲突是社会危机的突出表现之一 ,而伊斯兰教与基督教冲突又是宗教冲突的焦点。探讨印尼宗教冲突的根源 ,有助于了解印尼局势的发展 ;解决印尼宗教冲突 ,有利于东南亚地区的稳定 ,这是各国政府和学者共同关心的问题。     

印尼宗教冲突的前因后果

本文对印尼宗教冲突的原因进行了深入的探讨。作者认为 ,印尼宗教冲突的产生 ,非一时的宗教冲动 ,而是历史、政治、经济等各种因素相互作用的结果。     

“小国家”整合“大民族”——瑞士国家与民族建构的历史进程

本文主要分析瑞士如何在强邻并立的严峻地缘政治环境中生存下来,并在国内不同语言、文化的族群中打造出统一的瑞士国家与民族认同和稳定的国家体制。传统观点将瑞士联邦政府实施的"直接民主"、联邦制下的地方自治,以及对不同语言和多元文化的保护政策等看做是保持国内各个族群,特别是使用不同语言的居民之间能够和平、和睦相处的"灵丹妙药",把瑞士树立成"不同民族间融合"以及成功解决"民族间冲突"的一个典范。但是从历史的角度来看,这些具体的政策和制度并非瑞士国家和民族建构成功的原因,而是它的结果。瑞士建国进程中所面临的初始条件、外部威胁、地缘政治和战争冲突等因素才是决定其成功建立统一的国家和民族认同的关键所在。     

Islam,radicalism, and violence in Southern Thailand: Berjihad di Patani and the 28 April 2004 attacks

Abstract

Violence in Thailand's deep South centers on Muslim unrest, which has been simmering since World War II. What was once a low-level secessionist insurgency has now developed into a full-scale conflict and violent campaign that has claimed hundreds of lives in the three southern border provinces. This amounts to the most serious political violence in recent Thai history. The main argument of this article is that the separatist struggle, which was initially based on a Malay national liberation struggle, has taken on undertones of a radical Islamist ideology, and the discourse of the separatist struggle has significantly shifted to that of radical Islamist politics by calling for a jihad against the Thai state, its local agents, and their Muslim allies. This shift is exemplified by a document entitled Berjihad di Patani, which appears to have helped inspire the violent incidents of 28 April 2004. To a large extent, what is happening in southern Thailand follows similar developments elsewhere, both at the regional level and in other parts of the Muslim world. Factors affecting the changing discourse and practice of the separatist politics are both external and internal: the failures of secularist development projects in the past decades, the influence of Islamic radicalism abroad, and the Islamic resurgence and fragmentation of religious establishment at home.     

Voices from Pattani: Fears,suspicion, and confusion

Abstract

By December 2005, violence in the South of Thailand had taken the lives of more than one thousand people. In this article, the voices of southerners are presented as they were recorded during the author's two-year stay in Pattani Province and various Malay-Muslim villages in southern Thailand. Verbatim excerpts from tok imams (religious teachers), overseas scholars, academics, fisherfolk, and locals of various ethnicity and religious groups illustrate perspectives and frustrations about the violence. Fears, suspicions, and confusion are the most prominent emotions embedded in these conversations. These excerpts illustrate the foremost concerns of the common people in the South, among them, impertinent threats to livelihood security and peaceful ethnic coexistence in the region.     

Islamism,Pluralism and the Palestine Question: The Case of Hizbullah

The political vocabulary of the Lebanese Islamist party and militia Hizbullah in relation to pluralism exhibits an important self-contradiction. In Lebanon, Hizbullah has adapted to a process of national integration after 15 years of civil war, and appears as much more positive towards pluralism now than in 1985, when it made itself known officially. However, the Palestinian resistance struggle constitutes an ever more important part of the party's political and religious identity, and in this area the party relies on a vocabulary of absolute and religiously motivated conflict. Hizbullah has made the Palestine Question into a religious absolute at the same time as it connects this question to the issue of national unity in Lebanon, questioning the patriotic credibility of every Lebanese who disagrees with it on this issue. Consequently, a conflict-oriented vocabulary ‘colonizes’ Hizbullah's more tolerant and pluralist vocabulary within Lebanon, thus hindering a further development of pluralist attitudes.     

War on error and the Southern fire: How terrorism analysts get it wrong

Abstract

This extended, five-part critique of Conflict and Terrorism in Southern Thailand interrogates how terrorism experts have interpreted the recent escalation of violence in the Thai southern border provinces. It does so by questioning the authors' use of sources, and draws on a range of alternative Thai-and English-language sources to suggest that the authors have reached poorly founded conclusions. The first part considers the contemporary context of terrorism studies and argues that it is important to understand Conflict and Terrorism as a knowledge product influenced by that discipline. The second presents an overview of competing theories concerning events in Thailand, as background to the conclusions presented in Conflict and Terrorism. The third evaluates the book's conclusion that Thailand faces a renewed insurgency, largely driven by domestic factors and carried out by definable actors. The fourth part examines the authors' claim concerning the importance of a booklet titled Berjihad di Patani, which is said to have motivated insurgents involved in the 28 April 2004 “uprising.” The fifth will attend to some significant factual and interpretative errors that severely undermine the credibility of the book. Overall, the critique demonstrates that various interpretations of what is happening in the South of Thailand remain plausible, and the article concludes that the authors of Conflict and Terrorism were too poorly equipped to deal with these competing interpretations to offer any insights into the conflict.     

泰国民主政治的怪圈

泰国实行宪政以来经历了多次军人政权和民选政权的交替,形成了政治循环的怪圈,而且每个周期的更替多伴随着暴力冲突和政治动乱.近两年来,泰国政治进入了新一轮循环周期,政治动荡更是此起彼伏.本文重点回顾了2008年的政治危机,分析了危机的根源,并对泰国政治制度发展前景作出预测.     

Government and business in Thailand

Institutions linking state and society affect both political and economic processes. Particularly critical are those institutions tying business and government. The effectivess of these institutions helps to determine the relative success national economies achieve in exploiting the challenges posed by the international economy. The particular form of the institutions is a critical factor influencing the development of a country’s political system. This article addresses in general terms the differences between business-government ties in Southeast Asia (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand) and Northeast Asia (South Korea, Taiwan) as well as the differences among the former group. The article then offers a more detailed analysis of the patterns of cooperation and conflict between business and government in Tailand. His publications includeJapan’s Emerging Global Role (author and editor) (Lynne Rienner, 1993).     

Towards a critical realist perspective on African conflicts

With various attempts being made to address religious, ethnic and political conflicts in Africa, one question which continues to feature in public discourses concerns the contributions which the African academic community could make towards the understanding and resolution of conflict. This article demonstrates that ontological issues need to be critical in any attempts at effectively analysing conflicts. The merit of the critical realist philosophy of Roy Bhaskar, with its ontological concerns, is presented as an important analytical and resolution model which the African academic community can fall back on, to look for effective solutions to conflict on the continent. The thrust in this article is that the properties of the critical realist approach to social research make it practically adequate for analysing conflicts.     

My Space/Mi Espacio: Evangelical Christianity and Identity Politics in Mexico

This article analyses evangelical identity politics and more generally religious competition in contemporary Mexico through a specific focus on the construction, dissemination and imagination of space. The imagination and occupation of a particular space determines the specific identity of its followers. Since the identity–space construct is primarily anchored in the political, religious, economic and funerary contexts in most societies, these four rubrics are woven together to assess of the evangelical Christian space–identity construct. The paper furthers research on religious space creation, dissemination and demarcation amongst evangelical Christians in Mexico, and it emphasises the extent to which the strategies of spatial expansion can lead to rigorous intra‐faith competition and conflict.